Current Version: draft, 2024-09-02Z
Editor: Dániel Balogh.
DHARMA Identifier: INSVengiCalukya00079
Hand Description:
Halantas. Final T (line 10) seems to be a ta without a headmark, perhaps slightly reduced in size; it may have a tail; the specimen in line 14 (employed to avoid the ligature tkr̥) definitely has one, looking much like a repha, while that in line 64 appears to be full-sized and may or may not have a tail. Final N (line 35) is a slightly reduced na with a short slanting tail in place of (or, in the second instance, perhaps in addition to) a headmark. Final Ṭ, used in line 36 to avoid the conjunct ṭtr, looks rather like ṭa, but the right-hand stroke of the headmark is straighter and longer than normal, so I believe it is a tail rather than part of a headmark.
Original punctuation marks are plain vertical strokes, usually short (sometimes barely more than a dot) and placed at a varying height, but occasionally, and without any apparent system, of the regular length (i.e. as tall, or nearly as tall, as character bodies), especially when doubled. The double bar in line 9 may have some ornamentation.
Other palaeographic observations. Anusvāras are placed after the character to which they belong, often at median height. They can be moved to the next line as at the beginning of line 13. Visarga is also moved to the next line in l52. There may be an editorial deletion mark in line 33, for which see the apparatus. Jihvāmūlīya occurs in line 42, shaped like a figure-8 (not an hourglass) that is placed inline like a separate character (or like a visarga), not conjoined in a ligature to the following character (see also the apparatus). There is a probable initial R̥ in line 89, but the character is indistinct in the estampage and the reading is determined by the context. It may resemble ḻa in shape.
Venkataramanayya observes that plate 3 and onwards may have been written by a different hand, but since the script is identical, this is not certain. I agree that a hand change is probable but. Hand 1 is perhaps slightly neater. In this hand, the upper part of ṇa is a "proper" horizontal figure-8 (e.g. l47 gīrvvāṇa); the marker for dependent au is distinguished from o by the greater height of the second hump (e.g. l6 mahābhaumaḥ); initial A (l11) is close to the classical form resembling sra. Hand 2 is perhaps less neat than Hand 1. In this hand, the upper part of ṇa is an open stroke, resembling the o marker (e.g. l53 guṇa); the marker for dependent au is not clearly distinguished from o, though its tail may descend further than that of o (e.g. l54 ravau, śītagau), or it may have a higher rise in the second hump (two instances in line 63); initial A (l56, l65) is a late, cursively simplified form that is similar to initial E.No metadata were provided in the table for this inscription
tasmād āyus[.] tato nahu(ṣa)ḥ[.] tato yayātiḥ cakrava(r)ttī vaṁśa-ka(r)ttā[.] tataḥ
purur iti cakra(varttī)[.] tato ja-
5name(ja)yo [’]śvamedha-tritayasya ka(r)ttā[.] tataḥ prācīśaḥ[.] tasm¿a?⟨ā⟩t sainyayātiḥ[.] tato hayapatiḥ[.] tatas sārvvabhau-
6maḥ[.] tato jayasenaḥ[.] tato mahābhaumaḥ[.] tasmād aiśānakaḥ[.] tataḥ krodhānanaḥ[.]
tato devakiḥ[.] tasmād r̥bhu-
7kaḥ[.] tasmād r̥◯kṣakaḥ[.] tato mativaraḥ satra-yāga-yājī sarasvatī-nadī-nā(thaḥ)[.]
tataḥ kātyāyanaḥ[.]
8tato (nīlaḥ)[.] ◯ tato duṣyantaḥ[.] tat-sutaḥ|
tato bharatād bhūmanyuḥ(|) tatas suhotraḥ| tato hastī| tato virocanaḥ[.]
10tasmād ajamīlaḥ| tatas saṁvaraṇaḥ| saṁvaraṇasya tapana-sutāyās tapatyāś ca sudhanvā|
tataḥ par¡i!⟨ī⟩kṣiT|
11tato bhīmasenaḥ| tataḥ pradīpanaḥ| tataḥ śantanuḥ| tato vicitravīryyaḥ| tataḥ pāṇḍ(u)-rājaḥ||
tato [’]rjunā-
15d abhimanyuḥ| tataḥ par¡i!⟨ī⟩kṣiT| tato janamejayaḥ| tataḥ kṣemukaḥ| tato naravāhanaḥ| tataḥ śatānīkaḥ| tasmā-
16d (u)dayanaḥ| tataḥ paraṁ tat-(p)rabhr̥tiṣv avicchinna-santāneṣv ayodhyā-siṁhāsanāsīneṣ(v)
ekān(n)a-ṣaṣ(ṭ)i-cakravar(tt)i-
⎘ plate 2r 17(ṣu) gate¿s?⟨ṣ⟩u ta(d-vaṁśyo) vijayādityo nāma rājā (v)ijigī(ṣa)yā dakṣi(ṇā)pathaṁ gatvā tri(lo)ca(na)-pa(lla)-
18vam adh¿a?⟨i⟩kṣipya kāla-vaśāl lokāntaram agamaT
tasmin saṁkule (ta)sya mahādevī gar¡bhbh!a-bhārālasāntaḥpurādhi(k)r̥-
19ta-vanitā-(k)aṁc¿r̥?⟨u⟩ki{|}bhis sā(r)ddha(ṁ) vr̥ddhāmāt(yai)ḥ purohitena ca nīyamānā kathaṁcin m(u?)ḍivemu-nāmāgrāhāram
upaga-
20mya tad-vāstavyena viṣṇubhaṭṭa-somayājinā duhitr̥-ni⟨r⟩¿n?⟨v⟩viśeṣam abhi¿g?⟨r⟩akṣitā satī naṁdanaṁ viṣṇuvarddhanam as(ū)ta[.]
21sā tasya ca kumārasya mānavya-sagotra-hārīti-putrādi-sva-kṣatra-gotra-kramocitāni
ka(r)mm(ā)¿n?⟨ṇ⟩i kārayitvā ta-
22m avarddhayaT|| sa ca mātrā vidita-vr̥ttāntas san nirggatya calukya-girau naṁdāṁ bhagavat¿i?⟨ī⟩ṁ gaur¿i?⟨ī⟩m ārādhya kumāra-nārāya-
23ṇa-mātr̥-gaṇāṁś ca saṁtarpya śvetātapatr¿e?⟨ai⟩ka-¿g?⟨ś⟩aṁkha-paṁca-mahāśabda-pāliketana-pratiḍhakkā-varāha-lāṁcchana-piṁ-
24ccha-kuṁta-siṁhā◯sana-makara-toraṇa-kanaka-daṇḍa-gaṁgā-yamunādīni sva-k(u)la-kramāgatāni
nikṣiptān¿i?⟨ī⟩-
25va sāmrājya◯-cihnāni s¿ā?⟨a⟩māsādya trilocana-pallavaṁ jitvā tat-sutām uttamadānīm upaya-
26mya kadaṁba◯-gaṁgādi-bhūmipān ni(r)jjitya setu-narmmadā-madhyaṁ sārddha-sapta-lakṣaṁ
dakṣiṇāpathaṁ pāla-
27yām āsa||
ta-
28t-sūnuḥ pulakeśī vallabhaḥ| tat-(p)utraḥ kīrttivarmmā| tasya tanayaḥ|
śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁstū(ya)māna-mā-
29navya-sagotrāṇāṁ hārīti-putr¿a?⟨ā⟩ṇāṁ kauś¿ī?⟨i⟩kī-vara-prasāda-labdha-rājyānāṁ mātr̥-gaṇa-paripālitānāṁ svāmi-(ma)-
30hāsena-pādānudhyātānāṁ bhagavan-nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samāsādita-vara-varāha-lāṁccha(n)e(kṣ)aṇa-kṣaṇa-⟨va⟩(ś)ī(kr̥)-
31tārāti-maṇḍalānām aśvamedhāvabhr̥¿t?⟨th⟩a-snāna-pavitrīkr̥ta-vapuṣā¿ḥ?⟨ṁ⟩ cālukyānāṁ ku(lam alaṁkar)i(ṣṇo)s sa(tyā)-
32śraya-va(llabheṁ)drasya bhrātā ku¿j?⟨b⟩ja-viṣṇ¿a?⟨u⟩varddhano [’]ṣṭādaśa varṣāṇi ve(ṁ)gī-deśam apālaya(T|) (tat-sūnuḥ?) (jaya)[siṁ-]
33(ha-valla)bha(s traya)striṁśataṁ| tad-anujeṁdrarāja⟦naṁdana⟧s sapta dināni[.] tat-putro
(viṣṇuvarddha)(no na?)(va va)-
⎘ plate 2v 34(r)ṣāṇ(i)| tat-sūnu(r) mmaṁgi-yuvarājaḥ paṁcaviṁśatiṁ| tat-tanayo jayasiṁhas trayodaśa(|)
tad-a(nuja)ḥ (k)o-
35kiliḥ ṣaṇ māsāN| tasya jyeṣṭho ¿s?⟨bh⟩rātā viṣṇuvarddhanas tam uccāṭya saptatriṁśatam abdāN| tat-suto (vijayādi)-
36tya-bhaṭṭārako [’]ṣṭādaśa| tat-putro viṣṇuvarddhanaḥ ṣaṬtriṁśataṁ| tat-sūnur nnareṁdra-mr̥garāj(o)
[’](ṣṭācatvāriṁ)śata(ṁ)
37tat-sutaḥ kali-viṣṇuvarddhano [’]dhya(r)ddha-varṣaṁ| tat-(t)anayo guṇaga-vijayādi⟨tya⟩ś
catuścatvāri(ṁśa)taṁ| (tad-bhrātu)-
38r vvikramāditya-bhūpates sutaś cālukya-bhīmas triṁśataṁ| tat-putro vijayāditya¡ṣ! ṣaṇ mā(sāN|) tat-s(ūnur a)-
39mmarājas sapta varṣāṇi| tat-sutaṁ vijayādityaṁ bālam uccā(ṭya) tāḍapa-rājo māsam e(kaṁ|
taṁ jitvā)-
40cālukya-bhīma-tanayo vikramāditya Ekādaśa māsāN| tat-tāḍapa-rāja-suto yuddhamallas
sapta (varṣāṇi)(| ta?)-
41taḥ|
Api ca||
(svasti)[.] ⟨sa⟩(rvalokā)-
73(śraya-śrī-vi)◯ṣṇuvarddhana-mahārāj¿a?⟨ā⟩dhirāja-parameśvara-parama-bhaṭṭ(ā)ra(ka)ḥ parama-(māhe)-
74(śvaraḥ para)◯ma-brahmaṇyaḥ māt⟦o⟧⟨⟨ā⟩⟩-pitr̥-pādānudhyātaḥ tyāga-siṁhāsan(āsī)naḥ
g(āḍevalu-nā?)-
75ma-viṣaya-sahit(a)-palla(p)u-gudravāra-viṣayam adhivasataḥ rāṣṭrakūṭa-pramukh(ān kuṭuṁbina)ḥ
(sarvvān sa)-
76māh¿u?⟨ū⟩ya (ma)ntri-purohita-senāpati-yuvarāja-dauvārika-pra¿v?⟨dh⟩ānādi-sam¿e?⟨a⟩kṣa(m ittham ājñā)-
77pa{ha}yati| ya¿dh?⟨th⟩ā|
Eta(d-d)ramila-daṇḍanāthān(ā)-
94ṁ rājarāja{rāja}-brahma-mahārāja-nāmadheyo me mātulasya madhurāntaka-(de)vasyā-
95tul¿ā?⟨a⟩syādeśa(ṁ) (prā)pya kar¿vn?⟨ṇṇ⟩āṭaka-daṇḍanā¿dh?⟨th⟩air yyud(dhv)ā t(ai)r eva sā(r)ddhaṁ divaṁ gatavān ¿a?⟨ā⟩(śvike)-
96na h¿a?⟨ā⟩sti(kena ca bale)na (pādā)⟨ta⟩-balena ca sama-bala(tvāc ca)| tam (u)ddiś(y)a ka(l)idiṇ(ḍi-grāme)
⎘ plate 4v 97rājarāj(e)śvaram (i)t(i ś)ivāyatanam akaravaṁ| (U)ttama-śoḍa-(ccoḍagon) i(ty utta)ma-(coḍa-mi)-
98lāḍuḍayān it(i) prasiddh(ā)v anyāv api (coddi)ś(ya śivā)yatana-dva(yaṁ karo)(m?)i
(y?)[eṣā](ṁ?) (maṁga)-
99lottuṁgga-saṁgītaka-kha(ṇḍa)-sphuṭita-navaka(rmma-ba)ly-upahārādy-a(rttha)ṁ (paṁcāśac-chātrāṇāṁ?)
100śāstrasya śrot¿r̥?⟨r̥̄⟩ṇāṁ satr(ār)tthaṁ ca dvayādhika-paṁcāśad-veś(y)ā(bh)i(ḥ) brāhmaṇa-(śatena brahma-ve)-
101dinā huta-jātavedas¿a?⟨ā⟩ vai(ś)ya-śatena ca dhana(do)pamena śūdra-śatena (brah)m(a-pāda-ka)(mala?)-
102-saṁbhūte⟨na⟩ ca sārddhaṁ madhurāntaka-nallūri-nāmnā prasiddhaḥ k(a)lidiṇḍi-nāma grām¿(e)?⟨aḥ⟩ (mā)(gaḍavaṟu?)-
103-grāmaṭika◯(yā) dattaḥ
tasy(ā)vadha(ya)ḥ[.] pūrvvataḥ konneki-sīmai(va sī)mā[.] Āgn(eyataḥ) [1×](li)do(ṟṟu-sī)-
104maiva sīmā(|)◯ dakṣi(ṇa)taḥ koṇṭhama sīmā| nairr̥tyataḥ (v)e(vāka-sī)maiva (sī)mā|
(paścimata)ḥ (kaḍa?)[paṟṟu-]
105-sīmaiva sīmā| vā(yavya)ta(ḥ d)āḍināṇṭi sīmaiva sīmā| Uttarataḥ| (potuṁbaṟti)-sīm(ai)va
(sī)mā| ¡(Ī)!⟨Ai⟩(śānata)-
106(ḥ) potuṁbaṟti-s¿i?⟨ī⟩maiva sīmā|
pallapu-gudravāre kaḍapaṟ(ṟ)u nāma grāma(ḥ du?)ggiy(ap)ū(ṇḍi) (cet?)i(| gr?)(ā)(masyā?)-
107sya pūrvvataḥ| kal(u)diṇḍi-sīmaiva s(ī)mā(|) Āgn(e)yataḥ| ¿ve?⟨E⟩ṣaiva| dakṣi¿n?⟨ṇ⟩a{|}ta(ḥ|) ve(vāka-sī)maiva sīmā| n¿a?⟨ai⟩rr̥-
108tyataḥ Eṣaiva| paścimataḥ| Āvakūri sīmaiva sīmā| vāyavyataḥ t(ā)ma(ra-ko)lani krovvi(ṇḍḍe)ṭaṁbāsi-
109na tallikroyya nāma nadī| (U)t(t)a(r)a(t)aḥ| kal(v?)asaṇḍa-sīmaiva sīmā| ¡Ī!⟨Ai⟩(ś)ānataḥ(|) tā(ḍ)ināṇṭ(i) sīmaiva
⎘ plate 5r 110sīmā(|)
pallapu-gudravāre Āvakū [... pūrvva-]
111taḥ kaḍapaṟti (s)īmaiva sīmā| Āgne(y)[yāṁ ... paści-]
112mataḥ koṇḍika-muṁjalūra-sīmai(va) [sīmā ...]-
113ṟti-sīm¿e?⟨ai⟩va sīmā| Īśānataḥ kaḍa[...]-
114sa paṁca-mahāpātakair yyukto bha[vati ...]
4-8From him [was born] Āyus. From him, Nahuṣa. From him, the universal sovereign and dynastic father Yayāti. From him, the universal sovereign called Puru. From him, Janamejaya, performer of three Aśvamedha (sacrifices). From him, Prācīśa. From him, Sainyayāti. From him, Hayapati. From him, Sārvabhauma. From him, Jayasena. From him, Mahābhauma. From him, Aiśānaka. From him, Krodhānana. From him, Devaki. From him, R̥bhuka. From him, R̥kṣaka. From him, Mativara, performer of a Sattra sacrifice and Lord of the River Sarasvatī. From him, Kātyāyana. From him, Nīla. From him, Duṣyanta. His son—
14-18—from that Arjuna [was born] Abhimanyu. From him, Parikṣit. From him, Janamejaya. From him, Kṣemuka. From him, Naravāhana. From him, Śatānīka. From him, Udayana. Thereafter, when sixty-less-one universal sovereigns beginning with him (Udayana) had passed in uninterrupted succession, [each] seated on the throne of Ayodhyā, a king of their dynasty named Vijayāditya marched to Dakṣiṇāpatha [driven] by a desire to conquer. He challenged Trilocana Pallava and, by the power of fate, passed to the otherworld.
18-27In the midst of that tribulation, his chief queen, heavy with the burden of a foetus, went together with the overseer of the harem, the women and the chamberlain, guided by the aged ministers and the chaplain (purohita), at long last came to a Brahmanical settlement (agrahāra) named Muḍivemu, and [there] gave birth to a son [named] Viṣṇuvardhana while under the protection of its resident the soma-sacrificer Viṣṇubhaṭṭa, [who cherished her] as if she were his own daughter. She raised that boy, arranging for the performance of the ceremonies traditionally applicable to his particular kṣatriya gotra, [namely] being of the Mānavya gotra, a son of Hārīti, and so on.↓1 He in turn, when her mother had told him the story, went forth to Mount Calukya and worshipped Nandā, [who is] the goddess Gaurī, and also appeased Kumāra, Nārāyaṇa and the band of Mothers. Having [thereby] obtained the hereditary paraphernalia of sovereignty belonging to his family, as though they had been deposited (with these deities for safekeeping)—[namely,] the white parasol, the one conch shell, the five great sounds↓2, the pennant garland (pāli-ketana), the ¿inverted drum? (pratiḍhakkā)↓3, the Boar emblem, the peacock fan (piṁcha), the lance (kunta), the lion throne, the makara archway, the golden sceptre, the Gaṅgā and Yamunā and so forth—having vanquished Trilocana Pallava and taken his daughter Uttamadāni (for his wife), and having conquered the kings of the Kadambas, Gaṅgas and so on, he reigned over Dakṣiṇāpatha (extending) from (Rāma’s) bridge to the Narmadā (and comprising) seven and a half lakhs (of villages).
28His son was Pulakeśī Vallabha. His son was Kīrtivarman. His son—
28-41Satyāśraya Vallabhendra (Pulakeśin II) was eager to adorn the lineage of the majestic Calukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hārīti, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed (to kingship) by Lord Mahāsena, to whom enemy territories instantaneously submit at the [mere] sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions (avabhr̥tha) of the Aśvamedha sacrifice. His brother Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana protected (pāl-) the country of Veṅgī for eighteen years. His son Jayasiṁha Vallabha (I), for thirty-three. His younger brother Indrarāja (Indra Bhaṭṭāraka),↓4 for seven days. His son Viṣṇuvardhana (II), for nine years. His son Maṅgi Yuvarāja, for twenty-five. His son Jayasiṁha (II), for thirteen. His younger brother, Kokkili, for six months. After dethroning him, his eldest brother Viṣṇuvardhana (III), for thirty-seven years. His son Vijayāditya (I) Bhaṭṭāraka, for eighteen. His son Viṣṇuvardhana (IV), for thirty-six. His son (Vijayāditya II) Narendramr̥garāja, for eight and forty. His son Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana (V), for a year and a half. His son Guṇaga Vijayāditya (III), for forty-four. The son of his younger brother King (bhūpati) Vikramāditya, Cālukya-Bhīma, for thirty. His son Vijayāditya (IV Kollabigaṇḍa), for six months. His son Ammarāja (I), for seven years. After dethroning his son the child Vijayāditya (V), King (rājan) Tāḍapa, for one month. After defeating him, Cālukya-Bhīma’s son Vikramāditya (II), for eleven months. [Then] that King (rājan) Tāḍapa’s son Yuddhamalla, for seven years. Then—
56On the other hand,
72-77Greetings. That shelter of all the world (sarva-lokāśraya), the supremely pious Supreme Lord (parameśvara) of Emperors (mahārājādhirāja), Supreme Sovereign (parama-bhaṭṭāraka) and supreme devotee of Maheśvara, His Majesty Viṣṇuvardhana (Rājarāja I), who was deliberately appointed (as heir) by his mother and father, seated on his throne of generosity, convokes all householders (kuṭumbin)—including foremost the territorial overseers (rāṣṭrakūṭa)—who reside in Pallapu-Gudravāra district (viṣaya) together with the district named Gāḍevalu and, in the presence of the counsellor (mantrin), the chaplain (purohita), the general (senāpati), the crown prince (yuvarāja), the commander of the guard (dauvārika), the chief minister (pradhāna) and so on, commands [them] as follows. To wit:
99-103Of these Tamil generals, the one named Rājarāja Brahma-mahārāja, having received the command of my maternal uncle the incomparable Madhurāntaka-deva and engaged in battle with the generals of Karṇāṭa, went to heaven together with those same (generals), because the strength of their cavalry, elephant and infantry troops was matched. I (the Cālukya Rājarāja I) have founded at the village Kalidiṇḍi a Śiva temple (āyatana) dedicated to him, named Rājarājeśvara. I shall also found two further Śiva temples dedicated to the other two (generals) known as Uttama-śoḍa Coḍagon and Uttama-coḍa Milāḍuḍayān. In order to provide for auspicious and exalted music, for the renovation of what is broken and cracked (khaṇḍa-sphuṭita), and for sacrifices (bali), offerings (upahāra) and so forth ¿at these? ↓17 (three temples), and to provide for the feeding of fifty pupils (chātra) studying the treatises (śāstra), I have granted the village named Kalidiṇḍi, (henceforth to be) renowned by the name Madhurāntaka-nallūru, along with the hamlet Māgaḍavaṟu,↓18 together with fifty and two courtesans (veśyā), a hundred Brahmins knowledgeable of the Brahman and offering oblations in fire, a hundred Vaiśyas comparable to Dhanada (Kubera), and a hundred Śūdras arisen from the lotus foot of Brahman.
103-106Its boundaries (are as follows). To the east, the border is none other than the border of Konneki. To the southeast, the border is none other than the border of [1×]lidoṟṟu. To the south, the border is Koṇṭhama.↓19 To the southwest, the border is none other than the border of Vevāka. To the west, the border is none other than the border of Kaḍapaṟṟu. To the northwest, the border is none other than the border of Dāḍināṇḍu. To the north, the border is none other than the border of Potuṁbaṟṟu. To the northeast, the border is none other than the border of Potuṁbaṟṟu.
106-110Also, in Pallapu-Gudravāra [district], the village named Kaḍapaṟṟu and (the hamlet) Duggiyapūṇḍi. Of this village, the border on the east is none other than the border of Kaludiṇḍi. To the southest, the same. To the south, the border is none other than the border of Vevāka. To the southwest, the same. To the west, the border is none other than the border of Āvakūru. To the northwest, the river named Tallikroyya ... (tāmara-kolani krovviṇḍḍeṭaṁbāsina). To the north, the border is none other than the border of Kalvasaṇḍa. To the northeast the border is none other than the border of Tāḍināṇḍu.
110-114[Also,] in Pallapu-Gudravāra [district], [the village named] Āvakūru. [...] The border on the [east] is none other than the border of Kaḍapaṟṟu. To the southeast, [...] To the [west], the border is none other than the border of Koṇḍika-Muṁjalūra. [...] the border is none other than the border of [...]ṟṟu. To the northeast, [the border is none other than the border of] Kaḍa[paṟṟu]. [...] shall be conjoined with the five great sins. [...]
121-122[The executor (ājñapti) is the Castellan (kaṭakeśa)], Rāciya Pedderi[’s son named Bhīmana]. [...]↓21
Reported in ARIE 1937-1938: page 6, appendix A/1937–38, № 5 with description at ARIE 1937-1938: page 82, §14. Edited from inked impressions by N. Venkataramanayya (1951-1952), withot translation, with facsimiles. The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of Venkataramanayya’s edition with his facsimiles.↓22
↑1. In some parallel versions (see the apparatus to line 21), the ceremonies are described
as being applicable to a member of a double gotra, namely Mānavya and Hārītaputra.
↑2. The expression pañca-mahāśabda probably refers to being honoured by the sound of five musical instruments, but may
also mean five titles beginning with “great”. See Fleet 1888: pages 296–298, note 9 for a discussion.
↑3. Some Cālukya grants use the words paḍa-ḍhakkā and daḍakkā in similar contexts. See the Ceruvu Mādhavaram plates of Kali Viṣṇuvardhana V and the commentary thereto.
↑4. See the apparatus to line 33 about an error in the text that has, in my opinion, been
corrected in the original.
↑5. Since the earth is spoken of as a woman here and in the next stanza, I assume that
the verb vah-, literally “carry,” means “take for wife” in this sentence. However, related inscriptions
do not normally speak of the king as married to the land, so perhaps the composer’s
intent was simply that he “bore” the earth. The same verb is apparently used in this
latter sense in stanza XIII below.
↑6. The participle prativasan is evidently used in place of a finite verb here.
↑7. The simile in this stanza is opaque to me. The reading may be incorrect; see the apparatus
to line 56 and compare the slightly different version in stanza 22 of the Korumelli grant. Could the point of both (or at least of a hypothetical model from which both are
distorted) be a comparison of the royal turban to the head padding worn by labourers
who carry loads on their heads?
↑8. I find this stanza awkward. The text is quite clear and requires only minor and straightforward
emendation, but instead of the irrelevant and repetitive mention of illumining the
expanse of the world, I would expect something in the second part of the simile to
correspond to the water of the Gaṅges in the first part. Perhaps the composer had
intended ratnālokaiḥ instead of ratnāloka-, which would eliminate the need to supply “with light”, but in that case it would
be the heads themselves that illumine the world. Going further with emendation, -prāṁgaṇair yaś would solve this new problem, but would still result in rather awkward syntax, so
I refrain from emending so far. Venkataramanayya (1951-1952: 60) sees in this stanza a reference to Rājendra Coḻa’s Gangetic campaign, but since
the Ganges does not seem to be involved in the second part of the simile, the reference,
if intended, is just a slight hint.
↑9. Venkataramanayya (1951-1952: 60) opines that this stanza refers to Rājendra Coḻa’s overseas conquests. This is probably
indeed correct.
↑10. The stanza does not make the subject change entirely clear, but the relative pronouns
in stanzas 18 to 20 correspond to a demonstrative pronoun in stanza 21, and the relative
pronouns in stanzas 22 to 25 are logically picked up by the demonstrative in line
72.
↑11. The text is uncertainly read here, see the apparatus to line 67. I assume that lālāmakī, not attested to my knowledge but derivable from lalāma, means a flower or jewel worn on the forehead or in the parting of the hair (as a
modern-day māṁg tīkā), but this word may have been misread. The preceding loleva is a conjectural reading; if it is wrong, then it is also possible that lālāmakī qualifies the garland in the next quarter, making it a head wreath.
↑12. Here too, I am uncertain of the interpretation, though the reading is quite secure.
The other object of comparison are all physical, but in this case I see no other way
but to understand lakṣmī, “beauty” as the object, and daukūla as “of something made of dukūla cloth.”
↑13. Here too the reading is uncertain (see the apparatus to line 70), but the meaning
must be something much like that translated here.
↑14. See the apparatus to line 88–89 about the lacuna here.
↑15. See the apparatus to lines 91 and 92 for two emendations that may be unwarranted,
but without which I cannot interpret this stanza in a coherent way.
↑16. I assume that yugma (normally, “pair”) is used in this stanza for yugya, “draught animal,” which in turn is used metonymically for elephant and horse soldiery.
↑17. See the apparatus to line 98 about a conjectural restoration here.
↑18. The syntax is a little problematic here; see the apparatus to lines 102 and 103. It
is possible that the donation is only the hamlet Māgaḍavaṟu, located near the village
Kalidiṇḍi.
↑19. Koṇṭhama is probably another village name, in which case there is probably a scribal
omission here, and the intended text was “the border is none other than the border
of Koṇṭhama.”
↑20. This stanza is too fragmentarily preserved for any coherent interpretation, and I
know of no parallels. The translations of the surviving fragments are offered as suggestions,
but depending on the context, their meaning may have been quite different.
↑21. Most of this stanza is lost, and my restoration is conjectural; see also the apparatus
to line 121.
↑22. Venkataramanayya shows much of the text as clear even though it cannot be made out
in the published estampage, and some of what he shows in unclear is much clearer than
some of what he shows as clear. I accept his readings unless otherwise noted, but
indicate unclear readings according to the published estampage.