Current Version: draft, 2025-01-15Z
Editor: Dániel Balogh.
DHARMA Identifier: INSVengiCalukya00047
Hand Description:
Halantas. Final T is a nearly full-sized ta with a curly tail instead of a headmark. Final N is likewise a nearly full na with an elongated stem and a tail. Final M is a fairly large circle at body level, with a curly tail. Final K (line 32) looks like a full-sized ka (well, in fact more like ra), complete with headmark, plus the curly tail.
The opening symbol is indiscernible in the estampages; Hultzsch describes it as a flower. It is presumably a floret with four petals and four spikes, as in most grants of Amma II. Original punctuation marks are straight verticals without any decoration.
Other palaeographic observations. Anusvāra is very slightly above the headline, immediately after the character to which it belongs; occasionally it is placed above the next character. The vowel marker for ā is extended downward, usually well below the baseline. The regular form of dependent ā also occurs occasionally, e.g. l16 tasyāgrajo. Dependent o is normally in the cursive form, not always clearly distinguishable from au. Occasionally, apparently for ornamentation, the tail of cursive o extends down below the baseline (l34), but its humps are symmetrical; the humps of au with a similarly extended tail are asymmetrical (l36). Dependent au occurs also in a non-cursive form, with three strokes on the top, right, and left bottom (l15, yau). Dependent e occurs, beside the regular form, as a vertical pr̥ṣṭhamātrā, essentially the mirror image of ā; the same stroke also appears in a form of dependent o (l48 maheśvaro). Upadhmānīya looks like ṟ (l8).
No metadata were provided in the table for this inscription
⎘ plate 1v 1floretIndistinct svasti[.] śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁstūyamāna-mā¿ṇ?⟨n⟩avya-sago(tr)¿a?⟨ā⟩(ṇāṁ hārī)-
2ti-put(r)¿a?⟨ā⟩ṇā(ṁ) kauśikī-vara-prasāda-labdha-rājyānāṁ mā¡tr̥ī!⟨tr̥⟩-gaṇa-paripālitān¿a?⟨ā⟩⟨ṁ⟩
3svāmi-mahāsena-pādānud¿d?⟨dh⟩yātānāṁ ¿v?⟨bh⟩agavan-nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samāsā¿d?⟨dh⟩ita-
4-vara-varāha◯-lāñ¿c?⟨ch⟩anekṣaṇa-kṣaṇa-vaśīkr̥tārāti-maṇḍalānā⟨ṁ⟩ Aśva(m)e-
5dh¿a?⟨ā⟩vabhr̥tha-snāna-pavitrīk¡ri!⟨r̥⟩ta-vapuṣāṁ| cālukyānāṁ kulam alaṁ¿kraṣo?⟨kariṣṇoḥ⟩| satyā-
6śraya-vallabhendrasy¿ā?⟨a⟩ḥ| ¿bh?⟨v⟩rātā kubja-viṣṇuvarddhan¿ā?⟨o⟩ [’]ṣṭādaśa varṣ¿a?⟨ā⟩ṇi| ve(ṁ)gī-ma-
7ṇḍala⟨m a⟩p¿a?⟨ā⟩layaT| tad-¿a?⟨ā⟩⟨tma⟩jo jayasiṁhas trayastriṁśata¿T?⟨M⟩| tad-anujendrarāja-(nandano)
⎘ plate 2r 8(vi)ṣṇuva(r)ddhano nava| (tat-sūnur) mm(aṁ)gi-(yu)varā(ja)ḫ paṁcavi(ṁ)śati¡|n!⟨M| ⟩ta(t-pu)tr¿ā?⟨o⟩ jayasiṁhas trayo-
9daśa| tad-avaraja⟨ḥ⟩ kokkili¡ṣ! ṣaṇ m¿a?⟨ā⟩sāN| tasya jyeṣṭho bhrātā viṣṇuvarddhanas tam ucc(āṭ)ya saptatriṁśata(M)
10varṣ¡ṣ!¿a?⟨ā⟩ṇi[.] ⟨⟨ta⟩⟩t-(pu)tro vijayāditya-bhaṭṭ¿a?⟨ā⟩rako [’]ṣṭādaśa| tat-suto viṣṇuvarddhana¡ṣ! ṣa¿t?⟨ṭ⟩triṁśataM|
12tat-putraḥ ka◯li-viṣṇuvarddha¿ṇ?⟨n⟩o [’]dhyarddha-varṣaṁ| tat-putr¿ā?⟨a⟩ḥ par¿ā?⟨a⟩c¿ā?⟨a⟩krarāmāpara-nāma-
13-dheyaḥ|
tad-anujasya labdha-yauvarājyas(ya)
16(vi)k(r)amādity(a)sya sutaś (c)āl(u)kya-bh¿i?⟨ī⟩mas triṁśataṁ| tasyāgrajo vijayāditya(ḥ) ṣa(ṇ mās)[āN.]
⎘ plate 2v 17(tad-a)gra-(sū)nur amma(r)ā(jas sapta) va(rṣāni)| ta(t-sū)nu(m āk)ramya (bāla)⟨ṁ⟩
(c)¡(a)!(l)ukya-(bhīma-pi)-
18(tr̥)vya-yuddhamallasya na(nda)nas tāla-nr̥p¿e?⟨o⟩ māsam ekaṁ|
paścād ahamahamikayā vikram(ā)-
22(di)t(yāsta)ma◯(ne) ¿rka?⟨rā⟩kṣa¿rsa?⟨sā⟩ Iva praj(ā)-b¿a?⟨ā⟩dh¿ā?⟨a⟩na-parā dāyāda-rājaputrā rājy(ā)bhi-
23(lāṣiṇo) yuddhamalla-rājam¿a?⟨ā⟩rttaṇḍa¡la!-kaṇṭhik(ā)-vijayāditya-prabhr̥tayo vigr¿ā?⟨a⟩-
24(hī-bhū)t(ā) ¿(stā)?⟨Ā⟩saN[.] vigraheṇaiva p¿ā?⟨aṁ⟩ca varṣ¿a?⟨ā⟩ṇi ga⟨tāni⟩[.] tataḥ|
(svāmi)nā tulay¿o?⟨ā⟩ dhr̥tasya pā⟨ṇḍa⟩rāṁgasya naptr¿a?⟨ā⟩ du(r)ggar(ā)jena (vijñā)-
⎘ plate 4r 44pito [’]mmar(ā)jaḥ tasm¿o?⟨ai⟩ prasanna-cittaḥ sv¿a?⟨ā⟩mi-hitāya prīt¿ī?⟨i⟩-p¿u?⟨ū⟩rv(v)an (t)ava ma-
45ntriṇe [’]grahāran dāsy¿a?⟨ā⟩mīti prativacanam uktavāN|
so [’]yaṁ samadhigata-paṁca-mah¿a?⟨ā⟩-śabda⟨ḥ⟩ parama-brahmaṇya⟨ḥ⟩ parama-bhaṭṭāra-
48ka⟨ḥ⟩ parama-m¿a?⟨ā⟩he◯śvaro mātā-pitr̥-bhakta⟨ḥ⟩| karmma-r¿a?⟨ā⟩¿ḻ?⟨ṣ⟩ṭra-v(ā)sino rā¿ḻ?⟨ṣ⟩ṭrakūṭa-pramu-
49khān kuṭuṁbi◯nas sarvv¿a?⟨ā⟩n eva samāh¿u?⟨ū⟩yettham ājñāpayati[.] viditam a-
50stu vaḥ|
Aṇmaṇaṁguru n¿a?⟨ā⟩ma gr¿a?⟨ā⟩me (da)kṣiṇa-dig-bhāge
53rāja-viṣayādhyakṣa-satkāra-pūrvakaṁ daśa-¿k?⟨kh⟩āri-kodrava-bīj(ā)vāpa-kṣ(e)tram ādāya-
54Aṇ(ḍ)eki nāma grām(e) Ut(t)ara-dig-(bh)āge p(ū)rvavad (d)aśa-kh(ā)ri-kodrava-b(ī)j(ā)vāpa-kṣet(r)a-
⎘ plate 4v 55(m ād)¿(a)?⟨ā⟩(ya) ¡ye!⟨E⟩ta(sm)in gr(ā)me Abhyantarīkr̥tya kāra(ṁ)ce¡ḍ-v!⟨ḍu-v⟩¿a?⟨ā⟩stavy¿a?⟨ā⟩ya (kr)o(vi)-ku(lāya)
56(bhāra)dvāja-gotrāya musiyana(ś)a(r)mmaṇe sarvva-parih¿a?⟨ā⟩rī(kr̥)tya Uttarāya¿n?⟨ṇ⟩a-(n)i(mitte)
57(tum)iya-ve(ṇi)ya(pū)ṇḍ(i) nāma gr¿a?⟨ā⟩m¿(ā)?⟨a⟩(ṭ)ik¿a?⟨ā⟩-dvayam agrah¿a?⟨ā⟩raṁ pr¿a?⟨ā⟩dāT|
A(s)yāva-
58(dha)yaḥ[.] (p)¿u?⟨ū⟩rvataḥ me(da)l(ko)ṇḍa[.] dakṣiṇataḥ gaṭṭip¿u?⟨ū⟩ṇḍ¿(i)?⟨ī⟩[.] paś(ci)mataḥ ḻ(e)ṁk(o)ṇḍa-n¿a?⟨ā⟩ma-gr¿a?⟨ā⟩ma(ḥ)
59(Ut)⟨t⟩(a)rataḥ A(ṇma)◯(ṇaṁ)guru-n(ā)ma-gr¿a?⟨ā⟩maḥ|
kṣetra-s¿i?⟨ī⟩m(ā)n(i)[.] p¿(u)?⟨ū⟩(r)vvataḥ muyala-k(uṭṭu)na
60ś¿(ā)?⟨a⟩mī[.] ¿(A)?⟨Ā⟩(gne)◯yataḥ guṇ(ṭh)a[.] da(kṣi)¿n?⟨ṇ⟩ataḥ gu(ṇṭeti)¡(A)!⟨ya⟩ (ka)ṟ(i)ti (ve?)¡(v)!⟨m⟩(ula) (gonu?)[.] n¿(a)?⟨ai⟩-
61¡(ri)!⟨rr̥⟩(t)¡(i)!⟨ya⟩(taḥ veṁca) ◯ dakṣiṇam(u)na paruv(ulu)[.] paścimataḥ Eṭ(i)ya ka(ṟiti ca)(ṭalalu?)[.]
62(vāyav)yataḥ (kuṇṭa?)[.] Uttara{ṁ Ura}taḥ ca(li)-gu(ṇṭha)[.] ¿I?⟨Ī⟩ś¿a?⟨ā⟩nataḥ m(u)yyali(kuṭṭuna vella)-
63-(ṟā)y(u|)
(A)s(yopa)ri na kenaci¡t!⟨d⟩ bā(dhā) ka(r)ttavyā[.] yaḥ kar(o)ti sa (paṁca-mahāpāta)-
64k(air) y(yu)¿t(k)?⟨kt⟩(o bhavati)[.] (yaḥ p)¿(a)?⟨ā⟩(la)ya(t)i sa puṇy(o) bhava(ti| tath)¿(a)?⟨ā⟩ (coktaṁ) rāma(bhadr)¿(a)?⟨e⟩(ṇa)
73vaṁgipaṟu-v¿a?⟨ā⟩sta¿rvya?⟨vye⟩nātr¿a?⟨e⟩ya-gotreṇa bhaṭṭa-guṇḍena viracitaṁ kāvya(ṁ)[.]
74(ta)s(mai) bhāga-dvayan dattaṁ| ghanava(ṭṭa)-b(īro?)j(e)na l(i)khitaḥ| ¿s?⟨ś⟩ivam astufloretIndistinct
1-11Greetings. Satyāśraya Vallabhendra (Pulakeśin II) was eager to adorn the lineage of the majestic Cālukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hārīti, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed (to kingship) by Lord Mahāsena, to whom enemy territories instantaneously submit at the [mere] sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions (avabhr̥tha) of the Aśvamedha sacrifice. His brother Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana protected (pāl-) the country of Veṅgī for eighteen years. His son Jayasiṁha (I), for thirty-three. His younger brother Indrarāja’s (Indra Bhaṭṭāraka’s) son Viṣṇuvardhana (II), for nine. His son Maṅgi Yuvarāja, for twenty-five. His son Jayasiṁha (II), for thirteen. His [brother] of inferior birth, Kokkili, for six months. After dethroning him, his eldest brother Viṣṇuvardhana (III), for thirty-seven years. His son Vijayāditya (I) Bhaṭṭāraka, for eighteen. His son Viṣṇuvardhana (IV), for thirty-six.
12-13His son Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana (V), for a year and a half. His son, also called Paracakrarāma,
15-18The son of his younger brother—Vikramāditya, who had attained the rank of heir-apparent (yauvarājya)—[this son] Cālukya-Bhīma [reigned] for thirty [years]. His elder-born [son]↓4 Vijayāditya (IV) for six months. His firstborn son Ammarāja (I), for seven years. After assaulting his underage son, King (nr̥pa) Tāla—the son of Yuddhamalla, the paternal uncle of Cālukya-Bhīma—for one month.
21-24Then, upon the demise of the Sun of Valour (Vikramāditya), collateral (dāyāda) princes (rājaputra)—such as Yuddhamalla, Rājamārtaṇḍa and Vijayāditya of the Locket (kaṇṭhikā)—materialised like demons (rākṣasa) {upon the setting of the sun}, yearning for kingship out of egomania and bent on oppressing the subjects. Five years passed in nothing but strife. Then—
43-45Ammarāja, when he was petitioned [to this effect] by Durgarāja, the great-grandson↓14 of Pāṇḍarāṁga whom his overlord (svāmin) had weighed in the balance, gladly replied to him (Durgarāja): “I shall be pleased to grant a rent-free holding (agrahāra) to this minister of yours (i.e. to Musiya), as he is dedicated to his master’s (i.e. Durgarāja’s) cause.”↓15
47-50He, [Amma II] who has deserved the five great sounds↓17, the supremely pious Supreme Sovereign (parama-bhaṭṭāraka) and supreme devotee of Maheśvara, devoted to his mother and father, convokes all householders (kuṭumbin)—including foremost the territorial overseers (rāṣṭrakūṭa)—who reside in Karmarāṣṭra district (viṣaya), and commands them as follows. Let [this] be known to you:
52-57Having sectioned off a field (sufficient) for sowing ten khārīs of kodrava seed in the southern direction of the village named Aṇmaṇaṁguru after paying [due] respect to the royal territorial overseers; having sectioned off a field likewise (sufficient) for sowing ten khārīs of kodrava seed in the northern direction of the village named Aṇḍeki; and having incorporated (the resulting plot) into this [latter] village; on the occasion of the winter solstice he (Amma II) has given the two hamlets named Tumiya and Veṇiyapūṇḍi, with all exemptions, as a rent-free holding (agrahāra) to Musiyanaśarman of the Krovi family and the Bhāradvāja gotra, a resident of Kāraṁceḍu.↓23
57-59Its boundaries [are as follows]. To the east, Medalkoṇḍa. To the south, Gattipūṇḍi. To the west, the village named Ḻeṁkoṇḍa. To the north, the village named Aṇmaṇaṁguru.
59-63The boundaries of the field [are as follows]. To the east, a śamī tree at the triple boundary juncture.↓24 To the southeast, a pond. To the south, a gonu tree with neem trees on the bank of the Guṇṭeṟu (river). To the southwest, the salt marshes↓25 on the southern side of the lake. To the west, ... (caṭalalu) on the bank of the river. To the northwest, a pond. To the north, the Cali pond. To the northeast, a white stone at the junction of boundaries.
63-64Let no-one pose an obstacle (to his enjoyment of his rights) over it. He who does so, shall be conjoined with the five great sins. He who protects it shall be meritorious. So too has Rāmabhadra said,
73-74The poetry has been composed by Bhaṭṭa Guṇḍa of the Ātreya gotra, a resident of Vaṁgipaṟu. Two shares (of the donated field) have been given to him. Written (likhita) by Ghanavaṭṭa Bīroja.↓27 Let it be well.
1-11Prospérité ! Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana, frère de Satyāśraya Vallabhendra, qui orne la dynastie des Cālukya, illustres, du même gotra que les descendants de Manu, loués dans l’univers entier, fils de Hārīti, ayant reçu leur royaume par l’excellente faveur de Kauśikī, protégés par les Mères réunies, méditant aux pieds du seigneur Mahāsena, eux dont les cercles ennemis ont été soumis en un instant à la vue du signe de l’excellent sanglier, faveur octroyée par le bienheureux Nārāyaṇa, eux dont les corps ont été purifiés grâce aux bains consécutifs au sacrifice du cheval, a protégé le maṇḍala de Veṅgī pendant dix huit années. Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant trente-trois ans ; Le fils d’Indrarāja, frère cadet de ce dernier, Viṣṇuvardhana, pendant neuf ans ; Le fils de celui-ci, Maṁgi, le prince héritier, pendant vingt-cinq ans ; Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant treize ans ; Le frère cadet de ce dernier, Kokkili, pendant six mois ; Son frère aîné, Viṣṇuvardhana, après l’avoir chassé, pendant trente-sept ans ; Le fils de celui-ci, Vijayāditya, l’illustre seigneur, pendant dix-huit ans ; Son fils Viṣṇuvardhana pendant trente-six ans ;
12-13Son fils Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana pendant un an et demi ; Son fils, dont l’autre nom est Paracakrarāma,
15-18le fils du roi Vikramāditya, frère cadet de ce dernier,↓29 qui avait reçu les droits du prince héritier, Cālukya Bhīma a protégé la terre pendant trente ans ; Son fils aîné, Vijayāditya↓30 pendant six mois ; Son fils aîné, Ammarāja, pendant sept ans ; Après avoir attaqué le fils de celui-ci,↓31 alors qu’il était enfant, le fils de Yuddhamalla, oncle du côté parternel de Cālukya Bhīma, le roi Tāla a protégé la terre pendant un mois.
21-24Ensuite, convaincus de leur supériorité, lorsque Vikramāditya s’éteignit, occupés à opprimer leurs sujets, comme des Rākṣasa opprimant les créatures au coucher du soleil, les princes prétendant au trône, aspirant à la conquête du pouvoir, Yuddhamalla, Rājamārtaṇḍa et Kaṇṭhikā Vijayāditya en tête, se firent la guerre. Cinq années de guerre passèrent↓32 puis,
43-45Quand le seigneur Durgarāja, descendant de Pāṇḍarāṁga,↓34 aux incomparables vertus guerrières, lui en fit la requête, Ammarāja, dont le cœur était plein de bienveillance envers cet homme dévoué au bien de son maître, répondit : « c’est de tout cœur que je donnerai un agrahāra à ton ministre. »
47-50Celui-ci qui a étudié les cinq grands sons,↓35 d’une extrême piété, très grand seigneur, très grand adorateur de Maheśvara, dévoué à sa mère et à son père, ayant convoqué tous les chefs de familles du Karmarāṣṭra, les raṣṭrakūṭa en tête, ordonne ceci : qu’il soit connu de vous que :
52-57Après avoir rendu les honneurs à l’administrateur de la circonscription, ayant pris un champ où l’on sème des graines de kodrava↓37 pour dix khāri,↓38 dans la partie sud du village nommé Aṇmaṇaṁguru, ayant pris de même un champ où l’on sème des graines de kodrava pour dix khāri, dans la partie nord du village nommé Aṇḍeki, ayant inclus ces deux champs dans ce village, il a donné à Musiyanaśarman, résidant à Kāraṁcedu, de la lignée de Krovi, du gotra de Bharadvāja, exemptés de toute taxe, à l’occasion du solstice d’hiver, en qualité d’agrāhara, les deux villages nommés Tumiyaveṇiyapūṇḍi.
57-59Ses limites sont : à l’est Medalkoṇḍa, au sud Gaṭṭipūṇḍi, à l’ouest le village nommé ḻeṁkoṇḍa, au nord le village nommé Aṇmaṇaṁguru.
59-63 Les limites de ces champs sont : à l’est un arbre śamī, au point de jonction des trois limites, au sud-est un étang, au sud un arbre gonu et un arbre vemula sur le rivage de l’étang, au sud-ouest des marécages, au sud du lac, à l’ouest Ca[talalu*]↓39 sur le rivage de la rivière, au nord-ouest un étang, au nord l’étang Cali, au nord-est une pierre blanche au point de jonction des trois limites.
63-64Aucune charge ne doit lui être imposée, celui qui en impose est lié aux cinq grands crimes. Celui qui protège cette terre acquiert des mérites. De même Rāmabhadra a dit ceci :
73-74Le poème a été composé par Bhaṭṭaguṇḍa, du gotra d’Atreya, résidant à Vaṁgipaṟu. [Nous] donnons à celui-ci deux parts.↓44 Gravure de Ghanavaṭṭabīroja. Bénédiction !
The name Nodaṁba in stanza 2 must have a short o for the metre to be correct. The same stanza has two enjambements, including one from the first hemistich to the second.
Noticed in ARIE 1909-1910: page 15, appendix A/1909–1910, № 4. Edited from inked impressions by E. Hultzsch (1925-1926), with facsimiles and translation.↓45 The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of Hultzsch’s edition with his estampages.
↑1. See the last apparatus entry to line 11 for my reconstruction of the pre- and post-correction
text in this verse, concerning the length of Narendramr̥garāja’s reign.
↑2. I construe bhūri- in compound with nodaṁba-rāṣṭra, as Hultzsch does in the Maliyapūṇḍi grant, and understand it to mean “large/populous/plentiful/mighty.” It is also possible
to construe bhūri as an adverb, as translated by Butterworth and Venugopaul Chetty for that inscription,
in which case Vijayāditya III defeated Maṅgi summarily or repeatedly. With this latter
interpretation, saḍ must be construed in compound to the following word; cf. the next note.
↑3. I construe saḍ as an adverb with nirjjitya. Hultzsch construes it in compound with the following word, translating, ‘the excellent Ḍāhala’. Both interpretations are plausible grammatically, and the choice matters little
ultimately, but I feel that while an enemy country may be described as bhūri (cf. the previous note) to emphasise the king’s prowess even more, the adjective
sat would not be used for the country of a defeated enemy.
↑4. The word agraja, literally “fore-born,” is established in the sense of elder brother, yet Vijayāditya
IV was the son of Cālukya-Bhīma. The word may have been used by the composer in an
unconventional sense here (compare agra-sūnur in the next item and a possible use of agra-janman in line 32 of the Kalucuṁbaṟṟu grant of Amma II). More probably, °āgraja may be a mistake for °ātmaja.
↑5. See the commentary about the problems with the reading and interpretation of this
stanza.
↑6. I translate the expected meaning, but the word adhyāt is problematic; see the apparatus to line 31.
↑7. Or, as translated by Hultzsch, “from her,” i.e. from Lokamahādevī.
↑8. Hultzsch associates this statement about the turban and parasol with Bhīma I, which
does not seem likely from the syntax. He translates, ‘who seized and wore again at the top (?) of (his) parasol the diadem although it had
been struck at by Vallabha’. I believe that my metaphorical interpretation of chatra was the composer’s intent.
↑9. As Hultzsch points out, Amma II was in fact the great-grandson of Bhīma I. The composer
may have used pautra in the generalised sense of “paternal descendant,” but such usage is not normal.
↑10. Hultzsch translates this phrase as ‘who duly attained success by righteousness.’ I think the intent of the composer was more explicit, expressing that Bhīma I was
predestined to seize the crown, and did so by rightful means. Hultzsch further proposes
an alternative interpretation, namely that he ‘duly attained (the surname) R̥tasiddhi’, which does not seem likely.
↑11. Hultzsch translates naptr̥, most often meaning “grandson” in classical language, as “great-grandson” here, assuming
that the composer skipped a generation of the ancestry here, and citing a parallel
for such a use of naptr̥. I prefer to take it in the wider sense of “descendant,” since Amma II was the great-great-grandson
of Vikramāditya I.
↑12. Musiya’s father does not seem to be named, unless his name is punningly hidden in
one of his epithets; he may, for example, have been called Nandana. There is also
a slight possibility that the father was Guṇḍamayya, named in the next stanza; in
this case it is Musiya’s grandfather who is not named.
↑13. If I (in agreement with Hultzsch) interpret this phrase correctly, then Musiya’s father
had the title mahārāja. This may have been a religious title, or it may have been conferred on him on account
of being a minister, presumably to Pāṇḍarāṅga. I think it is also possible, that the
composer had meant to say that his mahārāja (probably Pāṇḍarāṅga) had conferred “the highest rank” (that of minister) on this
person. This meaning, however, cannot be obtained in a straightforward manner from
the compound.
↑14. The Maliyapūṇḍi grant of Amma II tells us that Durgarāja was the son of Vijayāditya, son of Niravadya Dhavala, son
of Pāṇḍarāṅga, so naptr̥ must mean great-grandson here.
↑15. Hultzsch’s interpretation of this passage differs on several counts from mine. Apart
from some insignigicant details, the main difference hinges on my emendation tulayā dhr̥tasya. Hultzsch emends differently (see the apparatus to line 43) and translates, “whose
fighting-power had been unequalled.” I find his emendation too heavy-handed, and the
resulting text less than likely. If my conjecture tulayā dhr̥tasya is correct, I am still not certain of the precise meaning. It may refer in particular
to a tulābhāra ceremony in which Pāṇḍarāṅga’s overlord (probably Bhīma I) awarded to Pāṇḍarāṅga
the equivalent of his body weight in gold or another precious substance; or it may
be meant in a more generic metaphoric sense, i.e. that this overlord had assayed the
qualities of Pāṇḍarāṅga (and found them superior). This latter interpretation may
be equivalent to the idea of (catur-)upadhā-(vi)śuddha used for ministers in some
grants of the Eastern Cālukyas (Śrīpūṇḍi grant of Tāḻa II, Diggubaṟṟu grant of Bhīma II). Additionally, stanza 20 of the Ciṁbuluru plates of Vijayāditya III unambiguously say that Pāṇdarāṅga was weighed against gold by his lord, which confirms
my conjecture here and rules out the second interpretation.
↑16. This is quite certainly the meaning intended by the composer, but the text is somewhat
awkward (see the apparatus to line 45), and may also mean that he was anointed (as
king) in the eighth year of his heir-apparent status. Given the next line’s explicit
mention of his crowning at the age of 12, this was probably not the meaning the composer
had in mind.
↑17. The expression pañca-mahāśabda probably refers to being honoured by the sound of five musical instruments, but may
also mean five titles beginning with “great”. See Fleet 1888: pages 296–298, note 9 for a discussion. Hultzsch points out that this title is restricted to feudatory
chiefs, and therefore opines that the person described here is Durgarāja. The list
of epithets is indeed not a typical one for Eastern Cālukya rulers and includes neither
the name of Amma nor his biruda Vijayāditya. However, the introduction of the sentence, so’yam, should definitely mean that the present subject is the same as that of the preceding
stanza, and I do not think Durgarāja would have been called a parama-bhaṭṭāraka. As to the crux of Hultzsch’s argument, the words pañca-mahāśabda are mentioned as dynastic paraphernalia in the legendary genealogy of the Eastern
Cālukyas (e.g. the Raṇastipūṇḍi grant of Vimalāditya, line 22;), and also appear in some earlier grants (applied to the king in the Paḷḷivāḍa grant of Viṣṇuvardhana II, line 11; applied to the dynasty as a whole in line 7 of the Ceruvu Mādhavaram plates of Kali Viṣṇuvardhana V). Nevertheless, the structure of the grant is inconsistent, and the concept may have
been that Durgarāja addresses the interested parties here.
↑18. This stanza and the next one are apparently out of context, interrupting the progression
of the text from “let it be known to you” to the details of the grant beginning in
line 52.
↑19. Or, as Hultzsch translates, ‘who desires the favour of (his) lord.’
↑20. Or, perhaps, “who always desires morality (dharma) and pragmaticism (artha).”
↑21. See the apparatus to line 51. I choose not to emend the text here and understand it
to mean “why go into any further detail?”
↑22. I understand musiyasya te to mean your, i.e. Durgarāja’s Musiya. It could also be construed as “to you, Musiya,”
but I think Amma is more likely to be addressing his immediate underling, just as
he does in lines 44-45, tava mantriṇe.
↑23. I agree with Hultzsch that the de facto donor implied here is probably Amma II himself,
not Durgarāja. I assume that the two hamlets mentioned at the end of the executive
section are the administrative divisions incorporating two fields mentioned at the
beginning, and thus that one of the hamlets (presumably Tumiya) formerly belonged
to the village of Aṇmaṇaṁguru. For “hamlets” I rely on a slight emendation of the
text (see the apparatus to line 57) where Hultzsch emends differently. I consider
the reading obtained by his emendation to be inferior, and he himself struggles with
interpreting it.
↑24. I translate the Telugu on the basis of Hultzsch’s translation and a smattering of
Telugu words gleaned from other Eastern Cālukya inscriptions.
↑25. Hultzsch notes that he assumes paruvulu to be the plural of para, salt marsh.
↑26. Or perhaps “the castellan Yaśonidhi.” I agree with Hultzsch that yaśo-nidhi is more likely to be a description than a proper name, and that there is a fair chance
that the castellan is Durgarāja himself.
↑27. According to Hultzsch’s note, Bīroja corresponds to Sanskrit Vīropādhyāya.
↑28. Corr. à Guṇagāṁka.
↑29. Frère de Guṇagāṁka.
↑30. Corr. à Kollabhigaṇḍa.
↑31. Corr. à Vijayāditya V.
↑32. Cette époque correspond dans les autres inscriptions au règne de Yuddhamalla qui dura
sept ans. Il y a donc un décalage de deux ans dans la chronologie de cette praśasti.
↑33. Ce mot est sans doute un équivalent de kaṇṭhika, S.I.I., p 49, note 1. : « collier porté comme emblème du yuvarāja, prince héritier ».
↑34. correct. pour Pārāṁga.
↑35. Selon J. F. Fleet, ce titre est réservé aux vassaux du roi, cf. E. P. XII, p. 255,
note 2., il s’agirait donc dans ce passage de Durgarāja et non d’Ammarāja, comme le
remarque E. Hultzsch in E. P. 18, p 234, note 4.
↑36. Il y a manifestement ici une rupture de construction, le donataire est indiqué au
génitif alors qu’il sera au datif dans la phrase suivante, datif du bénéficiaire dépendant
du verbe prādāt.
↑37. Paspalum scrobiculatum, sorte de millet.
↑38. Mesure à grains, quantité équivalente à 9,55 tonnes (d’après les tables de conversion
in Renou-Filliozat, 1985, vol. II, appendices p. 758, mesures et poids).
↑39. Nous ignorons le sens de ce mot.
↑40. Traduction du mot dharma, qui prend ici le sens d’ « action pieuse » et par extension de « don ».
↑41. soit 19, 11 tonnes de kodrava.
↑42. le mot mānya désigne une terre exemptée de taxe. Cf. D. C. Sircar, 1966, p. 199.
↑43. Traduction du mot dharma, cf. note supra.
↑44. Des revenus de la donation.
↑45. The translation does not include the first 33 lines, which are by and large identical
to the first 34 lines of the Maliyapūṇḍi grant.