Current Version: draft, 2024-09-02Z
Editor: Dániel Balogh.
DHARMA Identifier: INSVengiCalukya00045
Hand Description:
Halantas. Final N looks like na, but is slightly reduced in size and seems to have a horizontal line attached to the left of its head, e.g. l10 māsāN. Final M is a small circle at foot height, open at the top, with a tail that starts toward the right, then curves sharply up and then again turns right and down, extended all the way to baseline, e.g. l10 and l11 triṁśataM. Final M can also take the more common (or earlier?) form of a raised circle with a sinuous tail, e.g. l21 bhuvaM. Rare final K (l56 pāradr̥K) is a nearly full-sized ka with the sinuous tail instead of a head. Final T resembles a slightly altered/rotated ta without a headmark, but it also lacks the tail (l64 bhūpāT).
Original punctuation marks are straight verticals, with a very small knob at the top and bottom that is not always present, or at least not always visible in the estampage.
Other palaeographic observations. Anusvāra is at head height after the character to which it belongs, or occasionally at median height. Dependent o is normally in the cursive form. The tail of its marker sometimes descends below headline and is thus hard to distinguish from au, but the latter’s humps seem to be asymmetrical. The form consisting of two separate strokes occurs rarely, e.g. (both instances of) māno in l38. Uncommon initial O occurs in line 50. It is not very clear in the estampage, but seems to be the regular form. Initial Ī occurs in line 51, and is also not very clear, but appears to be like ra with a cross-stroke that curves down on both sides. Upadhmānīya occurs in line 59, but its details are unclear.
No metadata were provided in the table for this inscription
⎘ plate 1v 1floretIndistinct O(ṁ)
svasti[.] śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁstūyamāna-māna-
3vya-sagotrā(ṇāṁ) hārīti-putrāṇāṁ kauśikī-vara-prasāda-labdha-rājyānām mātr̥-gaṇa-paripālitā-
4nāṁ svāmi-ma(hā)◯sena-pādānudhyātānāṁ bhagavan-nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samā(s)ā(d)ita-(vara)-
5-va(rā)ha-lāñcha◯nekṣaṇa-kṣaṇa-vaśīkr̥tārāti-maṇḍalānām aśvamedhāvabhr̥tha-snā(na-pa)-
6vitrīkr̥ta-vapu◯ṣāṁ cālukyā(nāṁ) k(u)lam alaṁkariṣ(ṇ)os satyāśraya-vallabhendra-
7sya bhrātā kubja-viṣṇuvarddhana-nr̥patir aṣṭādaśa varṣāṇi{|} ve(ṁ)gī-deśam apālayaT|
8tad-ātmajo jayasiṁhas trayastriṁśa¡T!⟨taṁ⟩| tad-anujendrarāja-nandano viṣṇuvarddhano nava| ta-
9t-(s)ūnur mmaṁgi-yuvarājaḥ paṁcaviṁśatiṁ⟨|⟩ tat-(pu)tro jayasiṁha(s tra)yo(daśa)|
tad-ava-
⎘ plate 2r 10rajaḥ kokkiliṣ ṣaṇ māsāN| tasya jyeṣṭho bhrātā viṣṇuvarddhanas tam uccāṭya saptatriṁśataM|
tat-pu-
11tro vijayāditya-bhaṭṭārako [’]py aṣṭādaśa| tat-suto viṣṇuvarddhanaṣ ṣaṭtriṁśataM|
tat-putraḥ kali-viṣṇuva-
15(r)ddhano [’]dhyarddha◯-varṣaṁ| tat-suto guṇagāṁka-vijayāditya-mahārājaś catuścatvā-
16riṁśataM| tad-anuja-yuvarāja-vikramāditya-narapātmajaḥ cālukya-bhīma-bhūpas triṁśataM
tat-sūnur ammarājas sapta varṣāṇi| tat-pitāmah¿o ?⟨a-⟩guṇagāṁka-vijayādityānuja-yu-
19(ddha)mallātmajaḥ tālādhipo māsam ekaM| taṁ yudhi vinihatya cālukya-bhīmātmajo vikra(mā)-
⎘ plate 2v 20dityaḥ Ari-nikara-timira-dinakaraḥ dvija-dīnānātha-bandhur ekādaśa māsāN|
sa sakala-ripu-nr̥pati-maku-
37ṭa-taṭa-ghaṭita-ma(ṇ)i-gaṇa-madhukara-nikara-paricuṁbita-caraṇa-sarasiruha-yugalo
38[’]yuga-locana-pada-kamala-vilasan-madhupāyamāno mānonnato natoddhata⟨-samasta-loka⟩s
samasta-bhu-
39vanāśraya-śrī-vijayāditya-mahārājādhirāja-parameśvaraḥ parama-bhaṭṭārakaḥ parama-
⎘ plate 3v 40-māheśvaraḥ| guḍla-kaṇḍervvāḍi-viṣaya-nivāsino rāṣṭrakūṭa-pramukhān kuṭuṁbinaḥ sa-
41māhūyettham ājñāpayati[.] viditam astu vaḥ|
vijayāvāṭyāṁ cālukya-kula-tila-
42ka-samasta-bhuvanāśraya-vijayāditya-narendra-mr̥garāja-pratiṣṭhāpitāya samasta-
43-bhuvanāśraya-nāma (d)evālaya-nivāsāya Umā-maheśvarāya Uttarāyaṇa-nimi-
44tt¡a A!smad-deśa-sa◯(n)taty-āyur-ārogyaiśvaryyābhivr̥ddhy-artthaṁ tad-devālaya-kha-
45ṇḍa-s(ph)uṭita-na◯va-ka(rmma)-bali-ni(ve)dyātodya-satra-pravart(t)anārttha(ṁ) ca|
Al(p)a-
46-vr̥ttitayā Ālūna-viśī(rṇṇa)ṁ punarṇavī-kartuṁ sarvva-kara-parihāre(ṇa) deva-(bho)gī(k)r̥-
47(t)yodaka-pūrvva(ṁ) tāṇḍ(i/ī)koṇḍa nāma grāmaḥ Ammalapūṇḍi-gollapūṇḍi-Āsuvulapa(ṟṟu)-nā-
48mādi-sameto [’]smābhi(r) ddatta Iti|
Asya sa-g¡g!rāma(ṭ)ikasyāvadhayaḥ| pūrvvataḥ tū-
49(ṇḍ)eṟu| Āgneyataḥ gārala-guṇṭa| dakṣiṇata⟨ḥ⟩ lāmuna yuttaraṁbuna būrugu| nairr̥tyataḥ
⎘ plate 4r 50Oḍḍa-guṇṭa| paścimataḥ cayita nāma taṭākaM| vāyavyataḥ bhīma-samudra-nā-
51ma ta(ṭā)ka⟨m|⟩ _6_ Uttarataḥ Enuka-ṟālu| Īśānataḥ regaḍu-(guṇṭa)|
tad-anvaye
teṣā(m a)◯(ma)ravaṭeśvarādy-aneka-purāṇa-devāyatana-nivāsi(nāṁ kā)lamukhā-
56nāṁ santatau|
yas tan-muneś śiṣya⟨ḥ⟩ prabhūta(rā)śi(r nnā)ma
58paṇḍitas sākṣ(ā)d dharmmāvatāraḥ tac-chiṣyau vidyeśvara-vāmeśvarau[.] tat-prabhūtarāśi-bhrātr̥-bhu(vanarā)-
59śi-m(un)eś (ś)iṣyau paśupati⟨ḥ⟩ prabhūtarāśiś ca| kālamukhendrādy-apara-nāmā| tac-chiṣyaḥ
paśupatiḫ pa(ra)-
⎘ plate 4v 60-hita-vyasanī| tac-chiṣyo yaś ca
sa svakīya-guru-sannidhau
Asyopari na kenacid bādhā karttavyā| yaḥ (ka)ro-
65(ti sa paṁcabh)ir (mma)◯hā-pātakair llipyate| Uktaṁ ca|
Asya sama-
69sta-bhuvanāśraya(sya de)vālayasya dīpa-sudhā-ka(r)m(m)a-satra-nivedya-nimittam ajā-sa
1 floretIndistinct Oṁ ◇ Oṁ KR • KR does not mention the symbol preceding Oṁ, which is almost certainly a floret with fourfold symmetry.
2 kriyā kāryyaṁ ◇ kriyā-kāryyaṁ KR • I assume from the lack of a space in KR’s Devanagari edition that he construed
these two words in compound.
14 samā⟨⟨(ḥ)⟩⟩ ◇ samā¿ṁ?⟨ḥ⟩ KR • The small circle above mā is not positioned like a regular anusvāra, and I take it to be part of a subsequently added visarga, in conjunction with a smaller dot near baseline height.
15 -vijayāditya-mahārājaś ◇ -vijayādityaś KR
16 triṁśataM ◇ triṁśataM| KR • KR prints a clear punctuation mark here, but I do not see one and do not think
one could have fit here before the plate’s raised border.
30 nabha-vasu-vasu- • See the commentary to stanza 10.
36 -⟨da⟩hanena • Alternatively, hananena may be restored here. All parallels of this stanza that I know of read dahanena, but they also read vidita in the second hemistich where we have vitata.
37 -ma(ṇ)i- • The ṇ may have been corrected from a different, narrower character, possibly r. — 37 -gaṇa- ◇ -kiraṇa-gaṇa- KR
38 mānonnato natoddhata⟨-samasta-loka⟩s samasta- ◇ mānonnato natoddhatas samasta- KR • The text as received is intelligible, but is in my opinion the result of corruption
by eyeskip omission from the more elegant version found in the Elavaṟṟu grant of Amma II, mānonnato natoddhata-samasta-lokaḥ samasta-. Compare also the differently corrupt mānonnatoddhataḥ samasta-lokaḥ samasta- in the Vandram plates of Amma II, where Hultzsch too prefers to emend to the version of the Elavaṟṟu grant.
43–44 -nimi/tt¡a A!smad- • This is probably non-standard sandhi for -nimitte ’smad-, but the composer’s intent may also have been -nimittaṁ Asmad- (for -nimittam asmad-).
46 punarṇavī-kartuṁ ◇ punarṇavī-karttuṁ KR
48 -g¡g!rāma(ṭ)ikasyā° ◇ -ggrām¿a?⟨ā⟩dikasyā° KR • The ṭ does indeed look like d, but since ṭ of this shape does occur in related inscriptions (including ṭe in line 55 of the present grant), I agree with the footnote (signed N. L. R.) in
KR’s edition, according to which ‘The reading is correctly sagrāmaṭikasyā°’. Compare
sa-dvādaśa-grāmaṭiko in the Eḍeru plates of Amma I, sa-dvādaśa-grāmaṭikaḥ in the Pañcapāka grant of Bhīma I, Asya sa-grāmasyā° in the Vandram plates of Amma II and sopagrāma (in verse) in the Sātalūru plates of Vijayāditya III.
49 nairr̥tyataḥ ◇ nair¿a?⟨r̥⟩t{y}ataḥ KR • The expected r̥ seems quite clear in the estampage. I do not know why KR wishes to correct tya to ta.
51 _6_ • KR does not describe, or even mention, this space. In the estampage, it contains
several white blotches at the beginning, and seems to have vestiges of subscript characters
towards the end. It is thus more likely to be a deletion in the original than a vacat
that was not completely filled, but both interpretations seem possible. The preceding
word taṭāka seems to be in smaller characters than normal, and ṭāka is moreover quite faint. These characters may have been written over deleted text,
or may have been filled subsequently in a space left blank by the initial engraver.
53–55 kālamukhāś ... -(ca) / ritāḥ| • This passage is read as prose by KR. However, its end is a regular āryāgīti hemistich (I am not sure whether four syllables are permitted in the sixth foot without
a caesura, but it seems that the caesura after the sixth foot, occasioned by four
short syllables in the seventh, compensates for that). Given this and the fact that
the pedigree of the donees is normally in verse in related grants, I am quite sure
we have an āryāgīti stanza here. The hiatus after vandyā may also be an indication that this is the end of a hemistich. There is only a very
small metrical error in the first hemistich, which may be rectified by supplying a
short syllable before or after bhuvi, e.g. ’tra bhuvi, hi bhuvi, bhuvi ca, etc. The word tad-anvaye must then be viewed as interconnecting prose, just like the longer connecting prose
beginning with teṣām after it.
58 -vāmeśvarau[.] ◇ -vāmeśvarau| KR
64 karttavyā| ◇ karttavyā KR — 64 dāt¿a?⟨ā⟩ ◇ dātā KR
69 -bhuvanāśraya(sya) ◇ -bhuvanāśrayāsya KR • Perhaps a typo in KR, since he does not emend.
2-11Greetings. Satyāśraya Vallabhendra (Pulakeśin II) was eager to adorn the lineage of the majestic Cālukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hārītī, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed (to kingship) by Lord Mahāsena, to whom enemy territories instantaneously submit at the [mere] sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions (avabhr̥tha) of the Aśvamedha sacrifice. His brother King (nr̥pati) Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana protected (pāl-) the country of Veṅgī for eighteen years. His son Jayasiṁha (I), for thirty-three. His younger brother Indrarāja’s (Indra Bhaṭṭāraka’s) son Viṣṇuvardhana (II), for nine. His son Maṅgi Yuvarāja, for twenty-five. His son Jayasiṁha (II), for thirteen. His [brother] of inferior birth, Kokkili, for six months. After dethroning him, his eldest brother Viṣṇuvardhana (III), for thirty-seven. And his son Vijayāditya (I) Bhaṭṭāraka, for eighteen. His son Viṣṇuvardhana (IV), for thirty-six.
14-15His son Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana (V), for a year and a half. His son King (mahārāja) Vijayāditya (III) with the byname Guṇaga, for forty-four. The son of his younger brother the heir-apparent (yuvarāja) Prince (narapa) Vikramāditya, King (bhūpa) Cālukya-Bhīma, for thirty.
18-20His son Ammarāja (I), for seven years. Lord (adhipa) Tāla, for one month, who was the son of Yuddhamalla, the younger brother of his (Amma I’s) grandfather Vijayāditya with the byname Guṇaga. After overwhelming him in battle, Cālukya-Bhīma’s son Vikramāditya (II), a sun to the darkness that was the profusion of his enemies and a patron of Brahmins (dvija), the destitute and the defenceless, [reigned] for eleven months.
36-41The pair of lotuses, which are his feet, are kissed all around by swarms of bees, which are the clusters of jewels fitted to the surfaces of the crowns of all enemy kings, [while] he himself plays the part of a bee flitting at the lotus that is the foot of the [god] with an odd number of eyes (Śiva). He rises high with pride [while] puffed-up people all bow down. That shelter of the entire universe (samasta-bhuvanāśraya), His Majesty Vijayāditya (Amma II) the Supreme Lord (parameśvara) of Emperors (mahārājādhirāja), Supreme Sovereign (parama-bhaṭṭāraka) and supreme devotee of Maheśvara, convokes and commands the householders (kuṭumbin)—including foremost the territorial overseers (rāṣṭrakūṭa)—who reside in Guḍla-Kaṇḍervvāḍi district (viṣaya) as follows: let [the following] be known to you.
41-48On the occasion of the winter solstice, in order to enhance our realm, succession, vitality, health and dominion, we have granted the village named Tāṇḍikoṇḍa, together with [its hamlets] named Ammalapūṇḍi, Gollapūṇḍi, Āsuvulapaṟṟu and so on—converted into divine property (deva-bhoga) by a remission of all taxes, [the donation being] sanctified by (a libation of) water—to the Maheśvara [accompanied by] Umā, who resides in the temple named Samasta-Bhuvanāśraya in Vijayavāṭī—installed there by that forehead mark of the Cālukya dynasty, Vijayāditya (II) Narendramr̥garāja, the shelter of the entire universe (samasta-bhuvanāśraya),↓4—for the purpose of the renovation of what is broken and cracked (khaṇḍa-sphuṭita) and for the perpetuation of sacrifices (bali), offerings (nivedya), music (ātodya) and charity (satra) in that temple, [in other words] to make new again that which has become lost or dilapidated due to the scarcity of income.
48-51The boundaries of this [village] together with its hamlets [are as follows]. To the east, Tūṇḍeṟu. To the southeast, the Gārala pond. To the south, a būrugu tree on the northern side of (the village) Lāmu.↓5 To the southwest, the Oḍḍa pond. To the west, the tank named Cayita. To the northwest, the tank named Bhīma-samudra. To the north, (a heap of boulders called) Enuka-ṟālu. To the northeast, the Regaḍu pond.
53In their (preceptorial) lineage,
55-56In the lineage of these Kālamukhas, who resided at many ancient temples such as Amaravaṭeśvara,
57-60A disciple of that ascetic, the sage named Prabhūtarāśi (I) was a veritable incarnation of the doctrine (dharma). His disciples were Vidyeśvara (I) and Vāmeśvara. The disciples of the ascetic Bhuvanarāśi, a brother↓6 of that Prabhūtarāśi (I), were Paśupati (II) and Prabhūtarāśi (II). [He] (Prabhūtarāśi II) [was] also called Kālamukhendra and [by] other [names]. His disciple was Paśupati (III), engaged in benefitting others. His disciple was
62He, in the presence of his own master,
64-65Let no-one pose an obstacle (to the enjoyment of rights) over it. He who does so shall be tainted with the five great sins. So too it has been said:
68-69For the purpose of lights, whitewash, charity kitchen and offerings at that Samasta-Bhuvanāśraya temple, a th[ousand] nanny goats [...]↓8
1Om !
2-11Prospérité ! Le roi Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana, frère de Satyāśraya Vallabhendra, qui orne la dynastie des Cālukya, illustres, du même gotra que les descendants de Manu, loués dans l’univers entier, fils de Hārīti, ayant reçu leur royaume par l’excellente faveur de Kauśikī, protégés par les Mères réunies, méditant aux pieds du seigneur Mahāsena, eux dont les cercles des ennemis ont été soumis en un instant à la vue du signe de l’excellent sanglier, faveur octroyée par le bienheureux Nārāyaṇa, eux dont les corps ont été purifiés grâce aux bains consécutifs au sacrifice du cheval, a protégé la contrée de Veṅgī pendant dix huit années. Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant trente-trois ans ; Le fils d’Indrarāja, frère cadet de ce dernier, Viṣṇuvardhana, pendant neuf ans ; Le fils de celui-ci, Maṁgi, le prince héritier, pendant vingt-cinq ans ; Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant treize ans ; Le frère cadet de ce dernier, Kokkili, pendant six mois ; Son frère aîné Viṣṇuvardhana, après l’avoir chassé, pendant trente-sept ans ; Le fils de celui-ci, Vijayāditya, l’illustre seigneur, pendant dix-huit ans ; Son fils Viṣṇuvardhana pendant trente-six ans ;
14-15Vijayāditya Narendra pendant quarante-huit ans ; Son fils Kali Viṣṇuvardhana pendant un an et demi ; Le fils de ce dernier, Guṇagāṁka Vijayāditya, pendant quarante-quatre ans ; Le fils du roi Vikramāditya, prince héritier, frère cadet de ce dernier, le roi Cālukya Bhīma pendant trente ans ;
18-20Son fils Amma↓16 pendant sept ans ; Après avoir vaincu celui-ci au combat, le descendant de Yuddhamalla, qui était le frère cadet de Guṇagāṁka Vijayāditya, Tālādhipa a protégé la terre pendant un mois ; Après l’avoir tué au combat, le fils du roi Cālukya-Bhīma, Vikramāditya, soleil pour l’obscurité que sont les troupes ennemies, amical pour les brahmanes, les affligés, les hommes sans protection, les proches, a protégé la terre pendant onze mois ;
36-41Celui dont les deux pieds sont des lotus baisés par la douce constellation des abeilles que sont les gemmes qui couvrent l’orbe des diadèmes des souverains ennemis, venus de tous les horizons, qui adoptait l’attitude d’une abeille folâtrant sur les lotus que sont les pieds du dieu aux yeux en nombre impair,Śiva. Le roi est humble envers la divinité et superbe vis-à-vis des autres rois. que son orgueil exaltait, qui faisait plier les orgueilleux, refuge de l’univers entier, l’illustre Vijayāditya, souverain suprême des grands rois, premier seigneur, illustre seigneur, dévôt de Maheśvara, ayant convoqué tous les chefs de familles de la circonscription de Guḍla-Kaṇḍervvāḍi, les rāṣṭrakūṭa en tête, ordonne ceci : qu’il soit connu de vous que :
41-48A Vijayavātī, pour Umā et Maheśvara, qui habite le temple nommé « Refuge de l’univers entier », érigé par le joyau de la lignée des Cālukya, refuge de l’univers entier, Vijayāditya Narendra Mr̥garāja, à l’occasion du solstice d’hiver, pour l’accroissement de notre pays, de notre descendance, de notre durée de vie, de notre santé, de notre souveraineté, et pour la remise à neuf des brèches et des parties endommagées du temple, l’accomplissement des offrandes,↓18 des oblations, de la musique et du sattra, pour rénover, grâce aux revenus de la moitié de la donation, ce qui est tombé en ruines, nous donnons le village nommé Tāṇḍikoṇḍa accompagné des villages nommés Ammalapūṇḍi, Gollapūṇḍi, Āsuvulapaṟṟu, et les autres, exempté de toute taxe, en qualité de devabhoga, après avoir fait une libation d’eau.
48-51Les limites de ce village et des autres sont : à l’est Tuṇḍeru, au sud-est l’étang de Gārala, au sud l’arbre būrugu situé au nord de Lāmu, au sud-ouest l’étang de Oḍḍa, à l’ouest un étang du nom de Catiya, au nord-ouest un étang du nom de Bhīmasamudra, au nord Enukaṟālu, au nord-est l’étang de Regaḍu.
53Dans leur descendance,
55-56Dans la descendance de ces Kālamukha, qui habitèrent de nombreux temples anciens, tels que celui d’Amaravaṭeśvara,
57-60Le disciple de cet ascète est un pandit nommé Prabhūtarāśi, incarnation sensible↓23 du Bien ; Il a deux disciples : Vidyeśvara et Vameśvara. Le frère de Prabhūtarāśi, l’ascète Bhuvanarāśi, a deux disciples : Paśupati et Prabhūtarāśi. Le premier porte aussi le nom de Kālamukhendra. Ce disciple Paśupati porte aussi le titre de Parahita-Vyasanī.↓24 Son disciple est
62 Ayant construit en présence de son maître
64-65Aucune charge ne doit lui être imposée, celui qui en impose est lié aux cinq grands crimes. On dit :
68-69* * * ↓27
KR (1935-1936: 164) summarises the preceptorial lineage of the Kālamukha teachers and illustrates it in a diagram. But, as a footnote signed N. L. R. points out, he is mistaken in his summary, according to which Bhuvanarāśi I’s disciple Paśupati II had the surname Kālamukhendra and was the preceptor of Vidyeśvara II. The lineage is quite convoluted and hard to follow due to the recurrence of names, with three Paśupatis, three Prabhūtarāśis and two Vidyeśvaras. But as received, the text can only be understood in the way I translate above. However, it seems possible that Paśupati is a title used by these ascetics and not an actual proper name, as implied by the mention of Lakaśipu Paśupati. In this case it may be that the text in line 59 should be emended to śiṣyaḥ paśupatiḥ prabhūtarāśiś ca, and the punctuation mark after apara-nāmā in the same line should be regarded as superfluous. In this case, Paśupati Prabhūtarāśi (II) would be the single disciple of Bhuvanarāśi (rather than one of two disciples). Paśupati Kālamukhendra would be Prabhūtarāśi II’s disciple and in turn the preceptor of Vidyeśvara II. None of this, however, explains why Prabhūtarāśi I, Vidyeśvara I and Vāmeśvara are listed here, since they are all collateral to the lineage of the current Prabhūtarāśi. That is, unless Vidyeśvara I and II happen to be identical. This is a wild guess that is not substantiated by anything the text explicitly says, but if this Vidyeśvara had two spiritual masters (Prabhūtarāśi I and Paśupati III), then only Vāmeśvara would be collateral to the lineage in question. Another way to simplify the lineage is to equate Prabhūtarāśi I and Prabhūtarāśi II, in which case it was this Prabhūtarāśi, also called Kālamukhendra, who had two teachers: his own brother Bhuvanarāśi and Lakaśipu. In this case too, Vidyeśvara I and II are identical (being the student of Prabhūtarāśi Kālamukhendra). However, either of these simplified scenarios could have been described much more clearly, had that been the composer’s intent.
First reported in ARIE 1914-1915: page 9, appendix A/1914–1915, № 11 with a description at ARIE 1914-1915: pages 90–91, §11. Edited from estampages by B. V. Krishna Rao (1935-1936), with estampages but no translation. Also edited with (probably the same set of) estampages by B. V. Krishna Rao in Bhārati, Vol. XV, pp. 97 ff. (not in the electronic bibliography). The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of Krishna Rao’s edition with the published images.↓28
↑1. This stanza is a little obscure. The first hemistich is very awkward, but I believe
the composer’s intent was to say that Śiva is so great that even his (crescent-like and shiny) toenails are far enough above Brahmā to function as moons that make the (night) lotuses that are the latter’s (ten) hands thrive. This level of ultimate transcendence would be in contrast with the
blessing that the god personally grant his favour to the reader or hearer of the stanza.
In the second hemistich, “action” (kriyā), “result” (kārya) and “cause” (kāraṇa) probably have specific metaphysical meanings, such as the act of creation, the created
world and the ultimate cause of creation respectively. Compare also Śivapurāṇa 7.2.5.24, where Śiva is described as kartā kriyā ca kāryaṁ ca karaṇaṁ kāraṇaṁ.
↑2. Alternatively, jalaja may mean a fish or perhaps a lotus.
↑3. The date of Amma II’s coronation is Śaka 867, given in parallel versions of this stanza
as giri-rasa-vasu. See also the commentary.
↑4. There are two interesting nuances of the phrasing here. First, the recipient is Maheśvara,
in the singular, merely qualified by Umā; and not Umā and Maheśvara. Second, the text
as inscribed does not say the temple was founded by Narendramr̥garāja, only that this
particular deity was installed there by him (though the former may have been the composer’s intent).
↑5. I translate the Telugu phrases tentatively, based on KR’s commentary and words gleaned
from other Eastern Cālukya inscriptions.
↑6. This probably means that they were disciples of the same guru, not blood brothers.
See also the commentary for some thoughts on this lineage.
↑7. I believe the text intends to say that Prabhūtarāśi, whose name in the monastic context
means “one with a great nimbus,” was also literally a man of great wealth (a common meaning of rāśi). This is implied by the emphasis on his inheritance of his master’s lakṣmī as well as by the next verse’s statement that he was the patron of a temple and a
monastery. However, it is also possible that the word-play in this stanza is not on
the dual meaning of rāśi, but a more awkward one on the similarity of the name Prabhūtarāśi
to his description prabhur āśritānām, “a capable master to those who sought his shelter.”
↑8. There was evidently a fifth plate in this set, which may have been melted down by
the finder along with the seal. Since the text of the grant ends formally in line
68, it seems likely that this last sentence was added as an afterthought or appendix,
and probably did not occupy much of the fifth plate. It may have stated that the goats
were the gift of someone else, although they are said to be the king’s gift in verse
20. Compare the Jaḷayūru grant of Viṣṇuvardhana III, where a similar appendix records that the homestead land (to go with the royal donation of cultivable land) was the gift of the executor, and a less clear Telugu appendix in the Kalucuṁbaṟṟu grant of Amma II.
↑9. Brahma.
↑10. Le terme svayam laisse suggèrer que Śiva apparaît dans une forme accessible aux hommes. En effet
le roi provoque la manifestation de la divinité. Les deux premiers pāda de ce vers
posent de nombreux problèmes d’interprétation. Selon l’explication de M. Lakśmi Narasiṁhan,
les ongles des pieds de Śiva ont la forme d’un croissant de lune, lune qui éclaire
et fait s’épanouir les lotus.
↑11. S.e. : combats victorieux, il y a autant de temples que de victoires. Les 108 temples
sont élevés grâce au butin des 108 victoires.
↑12. Il s’agit de Kollabhigaṇḍa-Vijayāditya.
↑13. Ce verbe n’apparaît pas dans le texte, nous l’ajoutons afin de présenter une meilleure
traduction.
↑14. « Sākṣāt » renvoie à la même notion que « svayam » dans le premier vers. Le roi est une manifestation sensible des vertus de la divinité.
↑15. A défaut d’information sur ce mot, nous interprétons le terme « bhoga » comme « usufruitier ».
↑16. Les autres inscriptions mentionnent que Tālapa chasse le fils d’Amma, Vijyāditya,
et prend le pouvoir.
↑17. Soit 880 de l’ère śaka, cependant dans toutes les autres inscriptions nous trouvons le chronogramme : « giri (7), rasa (6)et vasu (8) », soit 867 de l’ère śaka, 945 de notre ère.
↑18. Le terme nivedya désigne les offrandes de nourriture faites aux dieux, qui passent de l’état de statues
à celui d’êtres animés. Ce procédé tend à insuffler vie à ces idoles.
↑19. atra peut signifier « en ce lieu » ou « sur terre ». Dans le contexte présent il est possible
que l’évocation de ces ascètes soit liée au lieu-même du temple.
↑20. Ces ascètes, qui ont vécu dans le passé, ont accédé à la divinité comme manifestation
de Rudra. Ils se sont réincarnés en naissant d’eux-mêmes pour récompenser les êtres
vertueux et indiquer la voie du Bien.
↑21. Ce nom est un des noms de Śiva, il indique sans doute que Lakaśipu est un disciple
de Śiva.
↑22. Les maîtres de la fortune sont généralement les rois, non les ascètes. Lakaśipu semble
conjuguer les vertus religieuses et royales.
↑23. Ce terme traduit sākṣāt.
↑24. Littéralement : « dont la mort est bénéfique à autrui ».
↑25. Jeu de mot sur le terme prābhurāśritānām, « seigneur de ceux qui se sont réfugiés en lui ».
↑26. Monastère où l’on dispense un enseignement religieux.
↑27. La dernière ligne du texte est illisible.
↑28. As there is no estampage of 1v in the Epigraphia Indica version, my edition uses an inferior scan of Bhārati for the verification of that page.