Pedda-Gāḻidipaṟṟu grant of Amma II

Metadata

Current Version:  draft, 2024-09-02Z

Editor:   Dániel Balogh.

DHARMA Identifier: INSVengiCalukya00040

Hand Description:

Halantas. T is written with ta and a virāma according to KR, while a special sign is used for N (l9, l15, l17).

Original punctuation marks. Single punctuation marks are straight verticals with a serif on top; I assume the case is the same in the plates for which no facsimiles are available.

Other palaeographic observations. Anusvāra is normally to the right of the character to which it belongs, but in the Telugu boundary descriptions it seems to be on top of the next character (however, none of these are clear). ḍ and d are often indistinguishable; in the Telugu words I blindly follow KR’s choice between these two, except for the name of the granted village where I disagree with them (see the apparatus to lines 56 and 61).


Additional Metadata

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Edition

Seal

1śrī-tribhuvan(āṁku)śa

Plates

I. Vasantatilakā
⎘ plate 1v 1vyākr̥ṣṭa-ratna-¿k?⟨kh⟩acitāyata-śā¡ṁrgga!⟨rṇga⟩-cāpo
yas sendrakārmmuka-vinīla-payoda-¿b?⟨v⟩r̥ndaM|
nirbbhar¡cch!⟨ts⟩ayann iva vibhā2ti sa kr̥ṣṇa-kānti⟨r⟩
vviṣṇuś śivan diśatu vo [’]vadhr̥ta-trilokaḥ|

svasti[.] śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁstūyamāna-mā 3navya-sagotrāṇāṁ hārīti-putrāṇāṁ kauśikī-vara-prasāda-labdha-rājyānām mātr̥-gaṇa-paripālitānāṁ svāmi-
4-mahāsena-pādānudhyātānāṁ bhagavan-nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samāsādita-vara-varāha-lāṁchanekṣa-
5ṇa-(kṣa)ṇa-vaśīkr̥tārāti-maṇḍalāṇām aśvamedhāvabhr̥tha-snāna-pavitrīkr̥ta-vapuṣāṁ cālukyānāṁ ku-
6lam alaṁkariṣṇos satyāśraya-vallabhendrasya bhrātā kubja-viṣṇuvarddhana-nr̥patir aṣṭādaśa varṣāṇi
7veṁgī-deśam apālayaT| tad-ātmajo jayasiṁhas trayastrimśataM| tad-anujendrarāja-nandano viṣṇuvarddhano na-
8va| tat-sūnur mmaṁgi-yuvarājaḥ paṁcaviṁśatiM| tat-putro jayasiṁhas trayodaśa| tad-avara-
9jaḥ ko¡k!ili¡ṣ! ṣaṇ māsān| tasya jyeṣṭho bhrātā viṣṇuvarddhanas tam uccāṭya saptatriṁśataM| tat-putro vi-
⎘ plate 2r 10jayāditya-bhaṭṭārako [’]ṣṭādaśa| tat-suto viṣṇuvarddhanaṣ ṣattriṁśataM|

II. Anuṣṭubh
narendra-mr̥garājā(khyo)
mr̥11garāja-(parākramaḥ|)
vijayāditya-(bhūpālaḥ)
catvāriṁ(śat samā)<2>|

tat-putraẖ kali-viṣṇuvarddha-
12no [’](dhyarddha-varṣaM| tat-su)to guṇaga-vijayādityaś catuścatvāriṁśataM|

III. Sragdharā
tad-bhrātur yyauvarājyonnata-mahi13(ma-bhr̥to) vikramāditya-bhūpāj
jātaś cālukya-bhīmas sakala-nr̥pa-(guṇotkr̥)ṣṭa-cāritra-pātraḥ|
dānī 14[ –  –  ⏑  –  –  ⏑  ⏑  ⏑ ]rasa-karaḥ sārvvabhauma-pratāpo|
rājyaṁ kr̥tvā pra(yā)taḥ tridaśa-pati-padaṁ 15(triṁśad-abda-pramā)ṇa(ṁ)|

tat-putraḥ kaliyattigaṇḍa-vijayādityaṣ ṣaṇ māsāN| tat-sūnur ammarājas sa-
16(pta)-varṣāṇi| tat-sutaṁ vijayādityaṁ kaṇṭhikā-kramāyāta-paṭṭābhiṣekaṁ bālam uccāṭya{|} tāla-rājo rājyam māsa-
17(m e)kaṁ| cālukya-bhīma-suto vikramādityas taṁ hatvā ekādaśa māsāN|

IV. Āryāgīti
vijayādityo veṁgī-nāthaẖ kaliyatti18gaṇḍa-nāmā dhīmā¡|n!⟨n|⟩
tasya sat¿i?⟨ī⟩ meḻāṁbā| taj-ja-śrī-rāja-bhīma-nr̥patir ajeyaḥ|

V. Sragdharā
satya-tyāgābhimānādy-akhi⎘ plate 2v 19la-guṇayuto rājamārttaṇḍam ājau|
jitvogram mallapākhyaṁ sa-sutam a¿dh?⟨t⟩ibalaṁ drohiṇo [’]py antakābh¡o!|
dviḍ-bhīmo rāṣṭra20kūṭa-prabala-bala-tamas-saṁharo dvādaśābdaṁ
rājyaṁ kr̥tvāgama¡t saḥ|! pranịhita-su-(ya)śo dharmma-santāna-varggaḥ|

VI. Sragdharā
vi21ṣṇoḥ padmeva śaṁbhor iva giri-tanayā yasya devī sa-paṭṭā|
saṁśuddhā (haiha)yānān nija-kula-(v)iṣaye puṇya-lā(va)22ṇya-gaṇyā|
lokā◯ṁbā tat-suto [’]bhūd vijita-para-balo veṁg¿ī?⟨i⟩-nātho [’]mmarāj(o)|
rājad-rājādhirāj(aḫ pa?)(ra)-nr̥pa-ma23ku(ṭodgh)r̥ṣṭa-pādā◯ravindaḥ|

VII. Sragdharā
veṁgī-rājyābhi(ṣ)i(kt)o nija-ripu-vijayādityam udyat-samartthaṁ|
jitvānekāji-raṁga24-prajita-para-bala◯ṁ kaṇṭhikā-(dā)ma-(kaṇṭha)¡| n!⟨n| ⟩
dā(y)āda-drohi-(va)rggān api (sa)-kara-balaḥ kṣattriyāditya-de25v¡o|!
dhvastāri-dhvānta-rāśi(r v)vilasita-kamalas sa-pratāp(o) vi(bh)āti|

VIII. Sragdharā
yan nirmmātun nimittaṁ kr̥tam idam akhilaṁ viṣṭapam hi 26tri-m(ū)⟨r⟩tte¡|r!⟨r|⟩
ātmānaṁ cātmanāsmād iha sakala-guṇ(ai) (rāja-bhīmo)dvah(o) [’]bhū¡|t!⟨t|⟩
tejorāśiḥ prajānāṁ patir adhika-ba27(la)s sa-pratāpo [’]ṣṭa-mūrtti¡|s!⟨s|⟩
so [’]yan devo [’]mmarājo jana-guṇa-janako [’]nan¿u?⟨ya⟩-rājāgra-cihnaḥ|

IX. Sragdharā
svar-yyātāḥ pūrvva⎘ plate 3r 28-nāthā nala-nahuṣa-hariścandra-rāmādayo [’]pi|
pratyakṣās te yaśobhir gguṇa-vapur acalā-s(thai)r idān(ī)29m adr̥ṣṭāḥ|
yasyo(ccai)ḥ-(kī)⟨r⟩(tt)i-(rā)(śir bha?)-(ga)ṇa Iva jagaty advitīyoday(o) [’]smiN|
rā(jad-rā)(jā?)(dh)irājas sa (ja)30yati vijayāditya-(devo) [’](mma)rājaḥ|

gadya(M)|

sa jagatī-patir ammarājo rāja-mahendra⟨ḥ⟩ bhogīndra-saha-
31sra-bhogopahā◯sī d(īrggha)-daḳṣiṇaika-b¿a?⟨ā⟩hu-sandh¡ri!⟨r̥⟩ta-viśva-viśvaṁbharā-bhāraḥ| nārāyaṇa
32Iva nirantarāna◯nta-bhogāspadaḥ| vidhur iva sukha-virājitaḥ| pitāmaha Iva kama-
33lāsanaḥ| g(i)◯⟦(r)i⟧riśa Iva dharādhara-sutārādhitaḥ| rat(n)ākara I(va) sa(ma)sta-
34-śaraṇāgata-bhūbhr̥d-āśrayaḥ| suvarṇṇācala Iva suvarṇṇottuṁgodayaḥ| himācala-
35Iva siṁhāsanollāsita-camarī-vāla-vyajana-virājamā(na)-līlaḥ|

sa sama-
36sta-bhuvanāśraya-śrī-vijayāditya-mahārāj¿a?⟨ā⟩dhirāja-parameśvara-parama-
⎘ plate 3v 37-bhaṭṭārakaḥ{|} velanāṇḍu-viṣaya-nivāsino rāṣṭrakūṭa-pramukhān kuṭ¡i!⟨u⟩ṁbinas samasta-
38-sāmantāntaḫpura-mahāmātra-(pur)ohitāmātya-śreṣṭhi-senāpati-śr¿i?⟨ī⟩karaṇa-dharmm¿a?⟨ā⟩dhyakṣa-
39-dvādaśa-s(th)ān¿a?⟨ā⟩dhipatīn samāhūyet(th)am ājñāpayati[.]

viditam astu vaḥ|

X. Āryāgīti
śrīmān udapā40di m¿ā?⟨a⟩hān tri◯ṇaya(na)-ku(la)-sādhur ¿adivana?-grevyākhy¿o?⟨e⟩
gotr¿o?⟨e⟩ siṁhāsanato(|) 41vidito na◯ra(vā?)(ha)na(ś calukyeśānāM|)

XI. Āryāgīti
śrīkaraṇa-gurur ggurur iva| vibudha-guru42s sa(ka)la-rāja◯-(siddhānta-jñaḥ|)
(nara)vāhana Ity ā(sī)¡(.n)!⟨n|⟩ ⟨n⟩(yak)⟨k⟩r̥(ta-na)ravāha(naḥ) prakā(śi)ta43-yaśasā|

XII. Āryāgīti
yasyāgra-suto guṇavā¡|(n)!⟨n|⟩ elaparājo guṇa-pra(dhān?)o dā(n)ī|
mānī mā44nava-carito| mānava-devo jinendra-(pa)da-pa(dmāliḥ|)

XIII. Āryāgīti
ta(s)ya (sa)tī meṇḍā(ṁ)bā (sī)teva pati45-vratā ⟨⟨jina-vrata⟩⟩-caritā|
satyavatī vinayavatī| satatāhāra-pradāyinī dhr̥ta-dharmm¿a?⟨ā⟩|

XIV. Āryāgīti
taj-jau ⎘ plate 4r 46(su)t(au) pra(siddhau)(|?) buddh(i)-par(au){|} (sakala-śās)t(ra-śas)tra-vivek(au)|
(bhī)ma-naravāhanā(kh)yau| vikh(y)ātau rā47ma-la(kṣmanā)(viva?) l(oke|)

XV. Āryāgīti
y(au) bhīm(ārju)na-¿(ś)?⟨s⟩(adr̥śau| bala-yuta-baladeva-vāsudeva-)(samā?)(nau|)
(na)48(kula)-saha(d)e(va)-tuly(au)| tau jātau (jai)na-dha(r)m(ma-n)irata-caritrau(|)

XVI. Sragdharā
śrīma¡t!⟨c⟩-cālukya-bhī(ma-kṣitipa)(ti-kr̥pa?)49(yā la?)bdha-sā◯ma(n)ta-cih(nau)
śrīdvār(o/aur?)(vv-ab)(j?)(a)(riṣṭhī?)(v)(a?)(n)(a?)-pa(ḍa/da)-vilasa(c-c)āmara-(c)chatra-l(ī?)(l)(au|?)
(va?)50[ – ] (ścistā?)r(i?)k(ā)◯sthau śikhi-r(u)ha-(pa)ṭa(la)-cchādya-sat-ka(rkka)rī(kau)|
(jātau cālu)(kya-pā?)lau (ba?)51(sa?)[ ⏑ ]-(ka?)ri◯-(ha)y(au) kāhalādy-abhyupetau|

XVII. Sragdharā
(jai)nā(cā)rry(o yadī)y(o) gurur a(khi)52(la)-guṇaś candrasenākhya-śi¿ś?⟨ṣ⟩yo¡|ś!⟨ś|⟩
śāstra-jñ¡(o)r! nnāthasen¡o(r)! (mmu)ni-nuta-jayaseno muni(r) dd(ī)kṣitātmā|
si53ddhānta-jñaḥ kalā-jñaḥ para-samaya-paṭu(ḥ) ⟨⟨sa⟩⟩n-nutokr̥ṣṭa-vr̥tta¡|s!⟨s|⟩
sat-pātraḥ śravakāṇāṁ kṣapaṇaka-su(ja)54na-kṣullak(ā)¡rjy!ārjjakānāM|

tasmai tābhyāṁ rāja(bh)īma-naravāha¿ṇ?⟨n⟩ābhyāṁ vijayavā(ṭ)ikāyāṁ
⎘ plate 4v 55(ji)na-bhavana-yugan ni(r)mmitam[.] etad-dharmmārttham asmābhis sarvva-kara-parihāraṁ devabhogī-
56-kr̥tya pedda-gāḻidipaṟṟu nāma grāmo dattaḥ[.]

Asyāvadhayaḥ| pūrvvataḥ maṇḍayū
57ri-pola-garusuna yisupakaṭṭala-ceṟuvuna naḍimi dūba
[.] (Ā)gneyataḥ Ālapaṟ(t?)iyuṁ jūṁṭūri-
58(yuṁ) muyyal-ku◯ṭṭu(na) būruvu paḍuva
| dakṣiṇataḥ cūṁṭūri-prānta-(pa)ṟti-yuttaraṁbuna kuṇḍi-
59viḍḍi-guṇṭha
| nairr̥◯tyataḥ (c)ū(ṁ)ṭūriyamma-poṭyavva-guḍi| paś(c)i(mataḥ) reṭipaḍumaṭidari| vā-
60yavyataḥ vali◯veri-pola-(garu)suna gārala-guṇṭha| Uttarataḥ t(e)pparāla paḍuva| Ī-
61śānataḥ koḍa-gāḻidipaṟtiyu(ṁ) (va?)(l)i(v/c)eriyu(ṁ) muyyal-kuṭṭuna naḍupani-guṇṭha|

XVIII. Sragdharā
tasya s(th)eyād ala62ṁghyaṁ ¿ś?⟨s⟩uciram uruta(raṁ śāsa)naṁ rājakoktaṁ|
sa¿kt?⟨t-k⟩ī(r)tt(e)r vveṁgi-pasya prakaṭa-guṇa-nidher ammarā(jasya pūjyaṁ|)
63tatredaṁ śā(sa)naṁ (var?)¿(dh)?⟨d⟩(dhita?)-(ji)na-nigamaṁ śaurrya-bhītānyanātha-
-vrātocc(ai)r-mmauli-mālā-maṇi¿v?⟨k⟩a-makarik¿o?⟨ā⟩-malli⎘ plate 5r 64kollāsitāṁghr¿i?⟨e⟩ḥ|

Asyopari na kenacid bādhā karttavyā[.] yaḥ karoti sa paṁca-mahāpātaka-saṁ-
65yukto bhavati| tathā coktaṁ vyāsena|

XIX. Anuṣṭubh
bahubhir vvasudhā dattā
bahubhiś cānupālitā|
yasya ya66sya yadā bhūmis
tasya tasya tadā phalaṁ|

XX. Anuṣṭubh
sva-dattāṁ para-dattāṁ vā
yo hareta vasundharāṁ
ṣaṣṭi-va67rṣa-sahasrāṇi
viṣṭhāyāṁ jāyate kr̥miḥ|

XXI. Śālinī
sarvvān etān bhāvinaḥ p{r}ārtthivendrān
bhūyo 68bhūyo yācate rāmabhadraḥ|
sāmānyo [’]yaṁ dharmma-setur nr̥pāṇāṁ
kāle kāle pālanīy{y}o bhavadbhiḥ|

XXII. Vasantatilakā
69mad-vaṁśa-jāḥ para-mahīpati-vaṁśa-jā vā
pāpād apeta-manaso bhuvi bhāvi-bhūpāḥ|
ye pālaya70nti mama dharmma(m i)maṁ samastaṁ
teṣāṁ mayā viracito [’]ṁjalir eṣa mūrdhni|

Ājñapti⟨ḥ⟩ kaṭaka-rājaḥ| jayantācā-
71ryyeṇa likhitaM| unknown

Apparatus

Seal

Plates

11 (samā)<2> KR • According to KR’s note, the scribe ‘apparently left out the last two syllables of the fourth quarter’. The date of Narendra-Mr̥garāja’s reign is variously given in related grants as 40, 44 or 48 years, of which 44 is the rarest and 48 is the most common. Variants of this stanza exist with the endings catvāriṁśat samāṣṭabhiḥ, catvāriṁśat samās samaḥ and sa-catvāriṁśad aṣṭakam, each of which is attested once that I know of. Given the predominance of 48 in the prose versions of the genealogy and the fact that the existence of variants in this stanza may be explained by an effort to eliminate the non-standard sandhi in the presumable original catvāriṁśat samāṣṭabhiḥ, I am tempted to restore this text here. The Tāṇḍikoṇḍa grant of Amma II records the length of his reign in a different metre and unambiguously as aṣṭa-yuktāś catvāriṁśat samāḥ. Scholars disagree about the length of Narendra-Mr̥garāja’s reign, and Krishna Rao (Krishna Rao 1937–1938: 269–270; Krishna Rao 1934–1935: 27–28) argues vehemently for 40. He apparently accepts this record as another piece of evidence for 40 years, which is definitely not admissible, since the omitted characters could have corresponded to any of the versions cited here. I thus prefer not to restore anything here. Since no image of this page is available, it is also possible that the text shown by KR as unclear is wholly illegible, and the allegedly omitted characters are actually present, perhaps compressed or added between the lines.
15 (triṁśad-abda-pramā)ṇa(ṁ)(triṁśad-abdā)(krameṇa?) KR • The reading adopted here was offered, with full confidence, by an editorial footnote to KR’s edition. KR’s original restoration does not look very intelligible to me; they may have meant to restore triṁśad abdān krameṇa.
16 uccāṭya{|} • KR’s edition shows no punctuation here, but has a footnote saying, ‘Mark of punctuation is not necessary here.’ I assume that a mark is present in the original, but the footnote anchor may also be a typo (the same anchor is used several times on this page next to punctuation marks present in the text that KR consider superfluous).
18 taj-ja- • Though the verse is intelligible as read by KR, I would prefer to emend to taj-jaḥ here, or to read this if the plate permits.
19 sa-sutam • Below the left-hand side of su, there are some lines resembling a figure 3. These may belong to an aborted subscript character.19 a¿dh?⟨t⟩ibalaṁadhibalaṁ KR • Since adhibala seems to be attested only as a technical term in drama, I prefer to emend.
22 veṁg¿ī?⟨i⟩-veṁgī- KR • The metre requires a short vowel here.22 -rājādhirāj(aḫ pa?)(ra)-nr̥pa--rājādhirājo (jita-ripu)- KR • The reading adopted here is shown (as clear) in a footnote signed ‘N. L. R.’ in KR’s edition. I do not know who its author may be. In the published photo, nr̥pa is clear, aḫ pa is at least more plausible than jita, and ra is almost clear.
24 -(kaṇṭha)¡| n!⟨| n⟩-(kaṇṭhaṁ)| {n} KR • The dot that KR reads as an anusvāra is above ṇṭha, so it is probably damage, and the punctuation mark was placed before the conjunct as in line 18 above and several times below.24 kṣattriyāditya-kṣatriyāditya- KR
26 tri-m(ū)⟨r⟩ttertri-mūrtter KR
27 nan¿u?⟨ya⟩-nanya- KR
28 gguṇa-vapur acalā-s(thai)rgguṇa-vapur-acalā s(vai)r KR • KR prints his reading as clear throughout. I cannot interpret it, and while I have reservations about construing guṇa-vapur as an adverb in the accusative, I feel that acalā-sthair is a definite improvement.
29 yasyo(ccai)ḥ-yasyo(ccai)ḥ KR
30 -mahendra⟨ḥ⟩-mahendra- KR
31 -sandh¡ri!⟨r̥⟩ta--sāndrita- KR
33 g(i)◯⟦(r)i⟧riśagi{vi}riśa KR • The superfluous character looks more like ri than vi to me, and I assume it was deleted in the original, perhaps on account of being too close to the hole. I accept KR’s reading of the i-s as short, but either or both may in fact be long, and it is also possible that ri was re-engraved to correct girīśa to giriśa or vice versa.
36 -mahārāj¿a?⟨ā⟩dhirāja--mahārājādhirāja- KR
38 -dharmm¿a?⟨ā⟩dhyakṣa--dharmmādhyakṣa- KR • It is also possible to read dhammādhyakṣa here, but there is definitely not both a repha and an ā.
39 et(th)amet¿t?⟨th⟩am KR • The subscript th resembles t with the tail extended into a nearly full circle. It is not the regular shape of th, but clearly distinct from t and identical to the one (read as th by KR) in sthāna earlier in this line.
40 siṁhāsanato(|) • KR reports a superfluous punctuation mark here. It is not visible at all in the estampage, but it may well have been obscured by the closeness of the plate’s rim, and punctuation does sometimes appear after the caesura of an āryā-type metre in this grant and related ones.40 ¿adivana?-[3×] KR • These characters are clear and were probably omitted from KR’s edition because they could not interpret them. Neither can I, except to assume that this is part of the gotra’s name. There may be an anusvāra at the end of this word, but since the dot is above (rather than to the right of) na, I assume that it is noise (though compare e.g. l21 saṁśuddhā).40 -grevyākhy¿o?⟨e⟩-grevyākhyo KR • I emend tentatively and do not find the stanza fully intelligible even with the emendation. It is even less clear without the emendation, and the incorrect sandhi in gotro (see the next entry) suggests that some sort of emendation is necessary.40 gotr¿o?⟨e⟩gotr¿o?⟨aḥ⟩ KR • I emend tentatively; see also the previous entry.
41 (calukyeśānāM)cālukye(śānāM) KR • If the reading is correct (which the facsimile permits), then it requires emendation because the metre needs a short syllable here.
42 ā(sī)¡(.n)!⟨n|⟩ ⟨n⟩(yak)⟨k⟩r̥(ta)-āsīn nyakr̥ta- KR • KR makes no note of the punctuation mark which, as in several other instances, is placed so as not to disrupt an akṣara that would have had to be broken up to put a punctuation mark between words. He reads an original nn and does not emend k to kk (implying he may have read an original kk too, which was misprinted k), but as far as I can tell in the unclear estampage, both these consonants are single.
43 guṇavā¡|(n)!⟨n|⟩ elapa-guṇavāN{|} melapa- KR • I see no trace of a final N as read by KR and believe that the consonant after the punctuation mark is n rather than m, the right arm of which would have overlapped with the left-hand side of the following la. Thus, here too we have a punctuation mark that respects akṣara boundaries in preference to word boundaries, and the name is probably elapa. KR further observes that the vowel of the character after the punctuation mark may be ai, since there is a "loop-like" stroke at its bottom. This stroke is thinner than the engraved strokes and bends in the wrong direction for the lower stroke of an ai, so I am quite confident it is damage, but cannot fully rule out the possibility that the vowel is indeed ai.43 -pra(dhān?)o-pra(bhā?)vo KR • I adopt the reading proposed by KR’s editor in a footnote, which seems much more likely and makes better sense.
44 -pa(dmāliḥ|)-padmā(rcako)| KR • KR’s reading is unmetrical and ruled out by the estampage. The correct reading was proposed in a note signed N. L. R. in KR’s edition.
45 ⟨⟨jina-vrata⟩⟩ • This text was omitted due to eyeskip at vratā. There may be a pair of vertical strikes on each side of the addition.45 -dharmm¿a?⟨ā⟩-dharmmā KR
46 pra(siddhau)(|?) buddh(i)par(au){|}prasiddhau{|} buddhiparau{|} KR • KR prints both punctuation marks as clear. I do not see the first one (which would be placed correctly at the caesura). The second, which is clear in the facsimile, is indeed superfluous. I suspect that the first one is in fact missing and was engraved at the wrong place.
49 śrīdvār(o/aur?)(vv-ab)(j?)(a)(riṣṭhī?)(v)(a?)(n)(a?)-pa(ḍa/da)-śrī-dvārau (rvvabaraṣṭhīvana?)-pada- KR • This piece of text resists all my attempts to read a fully intelligible sequence into it. The vestiges permit several readings for many components, but nothing that makes consistent sense. I believe I have improved the beginning and end of this string, but I am far from confident about those, and remain at a loss about the middle. See the commentary for further details.49 -vilasa(c)--vilasa¡(t)!⟨c⟩- KR • KR may be correct (compare śrīma¡t!⟨c⟩- in the previous line), but what I can make out in the estampage permits reading a c here.49–50 (va?) /[ – ] (ścistā?)r(i?)k(ā)◯sthau[ – ] /[ –  –  – ] rika-sthau KR • I cannot interpret the readings tentatively proposed here, but prefer to indicate the most likely characters implied by the vestiges.
50 (pā?)lau(cūlau) KR50–51 (ba?)/(sa?)[ ⏑ ]- / [ ⏑  ⏑  ⏑ ]- KR • Again, I cannot interpret the readings I tentatively propose. I agree with KR that there seem to be three illegible characters at the beginning of line 51, but I am also certain there is one, resembling ba, at the end of line 50. The last of the three in line 51 is faint and may have been deleted; otherwise, the text may be hypermetrical.
52 śi¿ś?⟨ṣ⟩yo¡|ś!⟨ś|⟩śi¿ś?⟨ṣ⟩y¿o|ś? KR • It seems that KR is correct in reading an o here. I normalise only the placement of the punctuation mark (which, as elsewhere, must have been placed so as to interrupt a word in preference to interrupting an akṣara). I prefer not to emend the case endings, since I am not convinced that KR’s emendation corresponds to the intent of the composer. See also the next entry and the note to the translation.52 śāstra-jñ¡(o)r! nnāthasen¡o(r)! (mmu)ni-śāstra-jño{r} n{n}āthaseno m{m}uni- KR • I am not convinced that KR’s emendation corresponds to the composer’s intent, though I am uncertain about the interpretation of this passage. See also the previous entry and the note to the translation.52 -paṭu(ḥ) ⟨⟨sa⟩⟩n-nuto° • It seems to me that immediately to the right of the visarga (which is not really recognisable as such, but which I accept on KR’s authority) there is a mark shaped like a cross or dagger, almost the height of a character body. I take this to be an editorial mark for insertion. The added character is immediately below this point.
53 °(ā)¡rjy!ārjjakānāM°(ā)r¿j?⟨y⟩yājjakānāM KR
55 ni(r)mmitam etad • The character me has a superfluous vertical stroke down from the elbow of the right arm. The scribe probably began to write mm then aborted the subscript part.
56 -gāḻidipaṟṟu-gāḻiḍipaṟṟu KR • As KR notes, he reads ḍi by a somewhat arbitrary "inclination". Indeed, d and are often indistinguishable in this script. However, the same word in line 61 appears with the prefix koḍa, where is written with a distinct upward curl at the end, whereas the similar character in the name gāḻidipaṟṟu ends on a downward bend.
57 yisupakaṭṭala-yisu kaṭṭala- KR • A character is missing from KR’s edition.57 Ālapaṟ(t?)iyuṁ • KR prints ṟti as clear, but the subscript component is indistinguishable in the photo; could it not be rather ṟṟi? However, ṟti is clear in what appears to be the same word in line 58 (where, conversely, KR prints that character as unclear) and line 61.
60 t(e)pparālatapparāla KR
61 -gāḻidipaṟtiyuṁ-gāḻiḍipaṟtiyuṁ KR • See the note on line 56 above.61 (var?)¿(dh)?⟨d⟩(dhita?)-(pālita)- KR • KR’s reading is clearly incorrect. In a footnote, N. L. R. says (with full confidence) that the reading is ca sthita. This is quite plausible on the basis of the photo, but does not seem very good in the context. My own reading is, nonetheless, tentative. The first character looks most like bha, while the second is a conjunct with a clear i, whose consonant components are open to many interpretations.

Translation by Dániel Balogh

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Plates

I.
He who with his dark complexion and with his long, jewel-encrusted Śārṅga bow fully drawn appears to mock a bluish flock of clouds accompanied by a rainbow: may that Viṣṇu, who bears the three worlds, apportion good grace (śiva) to you.

2-10Greetings. Satyāśraya Vallabhendra (Pulakeśin II) was eager to adorn the lineage of the majestic Cālukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hārītī, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed (to kingship) by Lord Mahāsena, to whom enemy territories instantaneously submit at the [mere] sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions (avabhr̥tha) of the Aśvamedha sacrifice. His brother King (nr̥pati) Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana protected (pāl-) the country of Veṅgī for eighteen years. His son Jayasiṁha (I), for thirty-three. His younger brother Indrarāja’s (Indra Bhaṭṭāraka’s) son Viṣṇuvardhana (II), for nine. His son Maṅgi Yuvarāja, for twenty-five. His son Jayasiṁha (II), for thirteen. His [brother] of inferior birth, Kokkili, for six months. After dethroning him, his eldest brother Viṣṇuvardhana (III), for thirty-seven. His son Vijayāditya (I) Bhaṭṭāraka, for eighteen. His son Viṣṇuvardhana (IV), for thirty-six.

II.
King (bhūpāla) Vijayāditya (II) who was called Narendramr̥garāja and who had the courage of a lion (mr̥garāja), [reigned] for forty years <2>.↓1

XI, XII.
His son Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana (V), for a year and a half. His son Guṇaga Vijayāditya (III), for forty-four.

III.
From his brother Prince (bhūpa) Vikramāditya, who bore the exalted distinction of being the heir-apparent (yuvarāja), was born Cālukya-Bhīma, a vessel of eminent conduct thanks to [his possession of] all royal virtues. Generous, [8×] …, whose valour was [known] all over the earth, he reigned to the measure of thirty years, whereupon he departed to the presence of (Indra) the lord of the thirty [gods].

15-17His son Kaliyattigaṇḍa Vijayāditya (IV), for six months. His son Ammarāja (I), for seven years. After dethroning his son Vijayāditya (V), who had been consecrated for kingship with the locket (kaṇṭhikā) and the hereditary turban (paṭṭa), King Tāla, for one month. After slaying him, Cālukya-Bhīma’s son Vikramāditya (II), for eleven months.

IV.
Clever Vijayāditya (IV) was the Lord of Veṅgī by the name Kaliyattigaṇḍa. His loyal wife was Meḻāmbā. From them was born the invincible king (nr̥pati), His Majesty King (rājan) Bhīma (II).

V.
Endowed with all virtues such as truthfulness, liberality and self-confidence, he, resembling Death, vanquished in battle Rājamārtaṇḍa [and] the fierce and very powerful one named Mallapa (Yuddhamalla II) along with his son (Bādapa), as well as [other] ill-wishers. A [veritable] Bhīma to his enemies and the dispeller of the mightily powerful darkness consisting of {the powerful armies of} the Rāṣṭrakūṭas, he reigned for twelve years, whereupon he departed with the intention of (winning supramundane) great glory, having [endowed] a host [of institutions] for the propagation of piety (dharma).↓2

VI.
His queen (crowned) with the turban—as Padmā (Lakṣmī) to Viṣṇu, as (Pārvatī) the daughter of the Mountain to Śambhu (Śiva)—was the chaste Lokāmbā, noted for her virtue and beauty in the country of her own family, that of the Haihayas. Their son is Ammarāja (II), the Lord of Veṅgī who defeats the forces of his enemies, the resplendent emperor (rājādhirāja) whose lotus foot is rubbed by the crests of enemy kings.

VII.
Anointed for the kingship of Veṅgī, he has vanquished his kinsman-enemy—Vijayāditya (V), who, with his power on the rise, had triumphed over the forces of his own enemies on the field of many a battle and whose neck was wreathed with the locket (kaṇṭhikā)—as well as hosts of rivals and ill-wishers. Having dispelled the enveloping darkness of enemies with the power of his rays {strength of his arms}, he shines like a divine Sun among kṣatriyas, full of resplendence {valour} and illuminating the lotuses {delighting Kamalā (Royal Fortune)}.

VIII.
The Triple Divinity (trimūrti) created this entire world (only) to become His efficient cause of bringing this man into existence, and [thus of re-creating] Himself through Himself. Hence, the offspring of King Bhīma became [endowed] with all virtues in this world: a blaze of glory, a lord of creatures {subjects}, greatly powerful, valiant, possessing eight forms. This is he: the divine Ammarāja, inciter of virtue in his people, who possesses the outstanding hallmarks of an unequalled king.↓3

IX.
Although kings of yore such as Nala, Nahuṣa, Hariścandra and Rāma, now gone to heaven, are distinctly perceivable thanks to their reputations, to those staying on earth they are [nonetheless] invisible as regards their qualities and physical form. Victorious is the divine Vijayāditya (VI), the resplendent emperor (rājādhirāja) Ammarāja (II): he whose blaze of high reputation rises unparalleled in this world like a constellation.

30[What follows is] prose.

30-35That master of the world, Ammarāja Rājamahendra, who scoffs at the dominions of thousands of eminent kings {ridicules the thousand hoods of the lord of serpents } [since] he upholds the burden of the entire earth with a single arm, his long right one.↓4 Like Nārāyaṇa, whose abode is the coils of (the serpent) Ananta, {he is the abode of uninterrupted and infinite mastery}. Like the moon, whose light is pleasant, {he basks in happiness}. Like the Grandfather (Brahmā), whose seat is a lotus, {he is the seat of Kamalā (royal majesty)}. Like (Śiva) the Mountain-Dweller, who was propitiated by (Pārvatī) the Daughter of the Mountain, {he is worshipped by royal princesses}. Like the ocean, which sheltered all mountains that came seeking its protection, {he is the succour of all kings who come seeking his protection}. Like the Golden Mountain, whose heights are lofty and golden, {he has a high income of gold}. Like the Himalaya, whose grace is resplendent with the fluttering of the tails of female yaks startled away from the dens of lions, {his pageantry is aglitter with a (golden) throne and with yaktail flywhisks}.

35-39[That] shelter of the entire universe (samasta-bhuvanāśraya), His Majesty Vijayāditya, the Supreme Lord (parameśvara) of Emperors (mahārājādhirāja), the Supreme Sovereign (parama-bhaṭṭāraka), convokes the householders (kuṭumbin)—including foremost the territorial overseers (rāṣṭrakūṭa)—who reside in Velanāṇḍu district (viṣaya) [and] all barons (sāmanta), the steward (antaḥpura), the dignitaries (mahāmātra), the chaplain (purohita), ministers (amātya), guild foremen (śreṣṭhin), the general (senāpati), the chancellor (śrīkaraṇa), the justiciar (dharmādhyakṣa) and the twelve local magistrates (sthānādhipati),↓5 and commands them as follows:

39Let it be known to you [that]

X.
There arose in the gotra named ¿Adivana-Grevya? a great and illustrious gentleman of the Triṇayana family: Naravāhana, who was noticed by the throne of the Calukya rulers.↓6

XI.
Master of the chancellery (śrīkaraṇa), he was a master to the learned as the Master (Br̥haspati) {is a master to the gods}, familiar with all political doctrines (rāja-siddhānta). Surpassing Naravāhana (Kubera) by his manifest glory, he was [known] as Naravāhana.

XII.
His virtuous senior son was Elaparāja, eminent in virtue, liberal and self-confident: a god among men who conducted himself according to (the teaching of) Manu and was a bee to the lotus that is the foot of Jinendra.

XIII.
His loyal wife was Meṇḍāmbā, devoted to her husband like Sītā and conducting herself according to the observances of the Jina. Honourable and humble, she always distributed alms of food and observed the doctrine (dharma).

XIV.
From them were born two famous sons supreme in intellect, deeply versed in all textbooks (śāstra) and weapons. Named Bhīma and Naravāhana, they were well known among the people to be like Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa.

XV.
Being similar to Bhīma and Arjuna, equal to the powerful Baladeva and Vāsudeva, and comparable to Nakula and Sahadeva, they became diligent followers of the Jaina doctrine (dharma).

XVI.
By the grace of His Majesty King Cālukya-Bhīma (probably II) they obtained the insignia of barony (sāmanta). Their pageantry comprises the gateway of honour (śrīdvāra), ¿the excellent conch?, ... , ¿the paḍa drum?, swishing chowries and the parasol. They are ... and their excellent water jars (karkarī) ¿are to be covered with a lid of peacock feathers?. They have become the ¿protectors? of the Cālukyas, with ... elephants and horses, entitled to (the music of) the kāhalā and so on.

XVII.
Their preceptor in Jainism is a guru possessed of all qualities. A disciple of the one named Candrasena, he is Nāthasena, learned in the texts (śāstra), a sage with an initiated mind, praised by (other) sages as Jayasena.↓7 He is familiar with the doctrine (siddhānta), familiar with the arts, proficient in parasamaya,↓8 and his conduct is outstanding and praiseworthy. He is truly worthy of [the respect of] lay followers (śrāvaka), ascetics (kṣapaṇaka), good people (sujana), high-level initiates (kṣullaka), monks (ārjya) and nuns (ārjjakā).↓9

54-56These two, Rāja-Bhīma and Naravāhana, have constructed a pair of Jina temples in Vijayavāṭikā for him (Jayasena). For the endowment (dharma) of this (pair of temples), we (Amma II) have granted the village named Pedda-Gāḻidipaṟṟu, converted into divine property (deva-bhoga) by a remission of all taxes.

56-61Its boundaries [are as follows]. To the east, a ¿mound? (dūba) in the centre of the Yisupakaṭṭala tank (ceṟuvu) at the verge of the fields of (the village) Maṇḍayūru.↓10 To the southeast, ¿a cluster of silk-cotton trees? at the triple boundary juncture with (the villages) Ālapaṟṟu and Jūṁṭūru (i.e. Cūṁṭūru). To the south, the Kuṇḍiviḍḍi pond (guṇṭha) on the north of the ¿ancient village site?↓11 Cūṁṭūru. To the southwest, the temple of Poṭyavva, the village goddess of Cūṁṭūru. To the west, ... (reṭipaḍumaṭidari). To the northwest, the Gārala pond (guṇṭha) at the verge of the fields of (the village) Valiveru. To the north, a ¿swamp? (paḍuva) (belonging to the village) Tepparāla. To the northeast, the Naḍupani pond (guṇṭha) at the triple boundary juncture with (the villages) Koḍa-Gāḻidipaṟṟu and Valiveru.

XVIII.
“May the most excellent decree pronounced by the [two] princelings remain inviolable for a very long time!”—for that [purpose] this respectable decree,↓12 which makes the doctrine of the Jina prosper, [has been issued: this decree] of that Lord of Veṅgī: Ammarāja of honourable fame, the repository of manifest virtues, whose feet are intensely brightened by the jasmine buds in the jewelled tiaras and head wreaths of droves of other rulers awed by his valour.

64-65Let no-one pose an obstacle (to the enjoyment of rights) over it. He who does so shall be conjoined with the five great sins. So too Vyāsa has said:

XIX.
Many (kings) have granted land, and many have preserved it (as formerly granted). Whosoever at any time owns the land, the fruit {reward} (accrued of granting it) belongs to him at that time.

XX.
He who would seize land, whether given by himself or by another, shall be born as a worm in faeces for sixty thousand years.

XXI.
Over and over again, Rāmabhadra begs all these future kings: “Each in your own time, you shall respect this framework of legality that is universally applicable to kings!”

XXII.
Hereby I offer my respectful obeisance (añjali) to [all] future kings on earth, [whether] born in my lineage or a different royal lineage, who with minds averted from sin observe this ruling (dharma) of mine in its integrity.

70-71The executor (ājñapti) is the castellan (kaṭaka-rāja). Written (likhita) [by] Jayantācārya.

Translation into French by Estienne-Monod 2008

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Plates

I.
Lui qui, ayant bandé le grand arc Śārṇga incrusté de joyaux, semble ridiculiser le dieu armé d’un arc-en-ciel qui écarte les sombres cohortes de nuages,↓13 Viṣṇu, revêtu de la splendeur de Kr̥ṣṇa, qu’il vous accorde la prospérité, lui qui soutient les Trois Mondes !

2-10Prospérité ! le roi Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana, frère de Satyāśraya Vallabhendra, qui orne la dynastie des Cālukya, illustres, du même gotra que les descendants de Manu, loués dans l’univers entier, fils de Hārīti, ayant reçu leur royaume par l’excellente faveur de Kauśikī, protégés par les Mères réunies, méditant aux pieds du seigneur Mahāsena, eux dont les cercles ennemis ont été soumis en un instant à la vue du signe de l’excellent sanglier, faveur octroyée par le bienheureux Nārāyana, eux dont les corps ont été purifiés grâce aux bains consécutifs au sacrifice du cheval, a protégé la contrée de Veṅgī pendant dix huit années. Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant trente-trois ans ; Le fils d’Indrarāja, son frère cadet, Viṣṇuvardhana, pendant neuf ans ; Le fils de celui-ci, Maṁgi, le prince héritier, pendant vingt-cinq ans ; Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant treize ans ; Le frère cadet de ce dernier, Kokkili, pendant six mois ; Son frère aîné Viṣṇuvardhana, après l’avoir chassé, pendant trente-sept ans ; Le fils de celui-ci, Vijayāditya, l’illustre seigneur, pendant dix-huit ans ; Son fils Viṣṇuvardhana pendant trente-six ans ;

II.
Celui qui porte le nom de Narendra Mr̥garāja, qui possède la vaillance d’un lion, le roi Vijayāditya, pendant quarante ans ;↓14

XI, XII.
Le fils de ce dernier, Kali Viṣṇuvardhana, pendant un an et demi ; Son fils Guṇaga Vijayāditya pendant quarante-quatre ans ;

III.
Le fils du roi Vikramāditya, frère de ce dernier, qui avait acquis l’éminent statut de prince héritier et la majesté, le roi Cālukya Bhīma, réceptacle de vertus royales et d’une éminente bonne conduite, généreux, * * *↓15 possédant tout l’éclat de Bhīma,↓16 par son règne, accéda au statut du Maître des Trente,↓17 pendant trente ans ;

15-17 Son fils Kaliyattigaṇḍa Vijayāditya pendant six mois ; Le fils de celui-ci, Ammarāja, pendant sept ans ; Après avoir attaqué son fils Vijayāditya Kaṇtḥika,↓18 qui avait été sacré roi, et l’avoir chassé alors qu’il était enfant, le roi Tāla dirigea le royaume pendant un mois ; Après avoir tué ce dernier, le fils du roi Cālukya Bhīma, le roi Vikramāditya a protégé la terre pendant onze mois ;

IV.
Vijayāditya, seigneur de Veṅgī, nommé Kaliyattigaṇḍa, fut un homme avisé ; Son épouse vertueuse fut Meḻāṁbā ; Son fils, illustre roi, le seigneur Bhīma fut invincible ;

V.
Doué de toutes les vertus, à commencer par la sincérité, la générosité,↓19 la fierté, ayant vaincu au combat Rājamartaṇḍa, qui se montrait féroce, que l’on appelait Mallapa, qu’accompagnait son fils, qui était très puissant, ainsi que d’autres assaillants, lui pareil à Antaka,↓20 terrifiant pour ses ennemis, destructeur de ces ténèbres que furent les armées puissantes des Rāṣṭrakūṭa, après avoir douze années durant exercé la royauté, il atteignit la grande gloire, partisan↓21 de la pérennisation du dharma.↓22

VI.
Comme Padmāśrī. fut celle de Viṣṇu, comme la fille du Mont↓23 celle de Śaṁbhu,↓24 son épouse couronnée, d’une pureté absolue, que son éclatante beauté rendait notable au royaume de sa famille, les Haihaya, fut Lokāṁbā ; celui-ci eut pour fils, vainqueur des armées ennemies, Ammarāja, seigneur de Veṅgī,↓25 resplendissant souverain suprême des rois, dont les ennemis, vaincus, de leurs diadèmes polirent les pieds de lotus.

VII.
Consacré roi de Veṅgī, ayant vaincu son propre ennemi Vijayāditya,↓26 qui était en pleine ascension et se montrait capable, qui défia les forces adverses sur le théâtre de maintes batailles, qui portait autour du cou le kaṇṭhika,↓27 ainsi que l’ensemble de ses co-héritiers qui l’avait attaqué, avec la force de ses bras, divin soleil des Kṣatriya, qui fait le plaisir des lotus par la destruction des ténébres abondantes que sont ses ennemis, resplendit, plein de majesté.

VIII.
Dans le but de recréer cet univers tout entier, [d’abord] créé par la Triple Divinité,↓28 ainsi que lui-même, par lui même, naquit en ce monde, comme rejeton du roi Bhīma, doué de toutes les vertus,↓29 trésor d’énergie, seigneur des créatures, tout puissant, majestueux, le dieu aux huit manifestations,↓30 qui engendre les qualités des hommes, dans la personne d’Ammarāja, doué de toutes les vertus,↓31 trésor d’énergie virile, protecteur de ses sujets, disposant d’une armée supérieure, plein de majesté, inspirateur de la vertu pour son peuple, soumis à nulle autre bannière royale.

IX.
Partis au ciel, les monarques d’autrefois, y compris Nala, Nahuṣa, Hariścandra et Rāma, et les autres, ceux-là, que leur gloire, affermie par leur vertus et leur beauté, a rendus célèbres, sont désormais invisibles, celui qui possède une immense renommée, qui, telle une constellation,connaît en ce monde une ascension sans pareille, celui-là, resplendissant souverain suprême des rois, il est vainqueur, Vijayāditya, le divin roi Amma.

30Voici la prose :

30-35Ce maître de l’univers, Ammarāja, qui porte le fardeau de la terre entière affermie sur son seul bras droit, qui ridiculise les mille replis des rois des serpents↓32 que sont les grands princes des rois, qu’habitent des richesses éternelles et infinies, il est pareil à Nārāyaṇa qui a pour demeure les replis de l’immortel Ananta, il jouit d’une puissance infinie ; pareil à la lune qui fait briller sa beauté, il fait resplendir la joie ; pareil à l’Aïeul qui a un lotus pour siège,↓33 il est le siège de la Fortune↓34 ; propitié par les princes, il est pareil à Giriśa↓35 propitié par la fille du roi des Monts↓36 ; offrant un appui à tous les souverains qui viennent lui demander protection comme l’océan offre la sienne à toutes les montagnes venues la lui demander ; possesseur d’une immense richesse, il est pareil au mont Suvarṇa, montagne dorée de l’Orient ; [lui] dont la beauté resplendit, assis sur un trône, éventé par une queue de yack femelle qui accroche la lumière, il est pareil au mont Hima, demeure des lions, où les femelles yacks accrochent la lumière, où les grottes apportent la fraîcheur, dont resplendit la beauté.

35-39Lui, refuge de l’univers entier, l’illustre Vijayāditya, roi suprême des grands rois, premier seigneur, illustre seigneur, ayant convoqué tous les chefs de familles habitant la circonscription de Velanāṇḍu, les raṣṭrakūṭa en tête, à tous les feudataires, au surintendant du gynécée, au chapelain, au ministre, au chef des commerçants, au général des armées, à l’intendant du trésor, au ministre de la justice et aux douze dirigeants de monastères, ordonne ceci :

39Qu’il soit connu de vous que :

X.
Au début est né cet homme illustre, de la grande descendance des Triṇaya, excellent, * * *↓37 du gotra du nom de Grevya, du fait qu’il siège sur le trône, Naravāhana, célèbre chez les rois Cālukya.

XI.
Maître des Śrīkaraṇa, tel le Précepteur,↓38 précepteur des dieux, il connaissait toute la science des rois Nommé Naravāhana, il humilia Naravāhana↓39 par sa gloire éclatante.

XII.
Son fils aîné, doué de vertus, fut Melaparāja, éminent par ses vertus, généreux, fier, adoptant la conduite de Manu, il fut le dieu des hommes, abeille butinant ces lotus que sont les pieds du Jina.

XIII.
Son épouse vertueuse fut Meṇḍāmbā, de même que Sītā était dévouée à son époux, elle adoptait une conduite de dévotion à l’égard du Jina, elle était douée de sincérité et de modestie, elle procurait sans cesse de la nourriture, et soutenait la doctrine.↓40

XIV.
De ceux-ci naquirent deux fils, doués de renommée, d’une suprême intelligence, d’une juste compréhension des théories et de toutes les armes, célèbres sous les noms de Bhīma et de Naravāhana, pareil à Rāma et Lakṣmaṇa dans le monde.

XV.
De ceux-ci, qui étaient pareils à Bhīma et Arjuna, semblables aux puissants Baladeva et Vasudeva, et égaux à Nakula et Sahadeva, étaient victorieux, se plaisaient à adopter la conduite des vertueux jaïns.

XVI.
Grâce à la compassion de l’illustre roi Cālukya Bhīma, ils avaient obtenu l’insigne de feudataire : portes de la prospérité, ils possédaient le charme d’un joli éventail et d’un joli parasol *** ↓41 Se tenant sur ***, possédant une jarre que doit recouvrir un voile en plumes de paon, portant le diadème des Cālukya, ***↓42, ayant des éléphants et des chevaux, ils étaient munis de gros tambours.

XVII.
Le précepteur fut le maître jaïn, doué de toutes les qualités, disciple de Candrasena, le sage Nāthasena, qui connaît les traités, célébré par les sages sous le nom de Jayāsena, qui avait purifié son âme, connaisseur de la doctrine, connaisseurs des arts, ayant une connaissance pénétrante des autres doctrines, loué par les hommes de bien pour sa conduite éminente, coupe de vertu aux yeux des Śrāvaka,↓43 les Kṣapaṇaka,↓44 Kṣullaka,↓45 qui sont des gens de bien, et des nobles Ajjaka.↓46

54-56Pour cet homme, Rājabhīma et Naravāhana ont construit deux sanctuaires du Jina à Vijayāvaṭikā, afin de parfaire cet acte pieux,↓47 nous lui avons fait don du village nommé Peḍḍagāḻiḍipaṟṟu, exempté de toute taxe, en qualité de devabhoga.

56-61Les limites de celui-ci sont : à l’est un arbre duba vers le réservoir de Yisu Kaṭṭala, vers le pépier de Maṇḍayuru, au sud-est un arbre būruvu paḍuva au point de jonction de Ālapaṟti et Jūṇṭūru, au sud, l’étang de Kuṇḍiviḍḍi, au nord de l’ancien village de Cūṁṭūru, au sud-ouest, un temple de Potyavva, la divinité de Cūṁṭūru, à l’ouest Reṭipaḍumatiḍari, au nord-ouest, l’étang de Garala vers le pépier de Valiveru, au nord, le paḍuva de Tapparāla, au nord-est, l’étang de Naḍupanu, au point de jonction de Koḍa-Gāḻiḍipaṟṟu et de Valiveru.

XVIII.
Que demeure très longtemps inviolable, prononcé par la bouche du roi, l’excellent commandement d’Ammarāja, doué d’une gloire véritable, roi de Veṅgī, réceptacle de vertus immaculées, ce commandement qui préserve l’enseignement du Jina, émis par celui dont les nobles cohortes des autres rois, terrifiés par son héroïsme, illuminent les pieds des jasmins de leurs parures et des couronnes de gemmes ornant leurs diadèmes !

64-65Aucune charge ne doit lui être imposée, celui qui en impose est lié aux cinq grands crimes. Le bienheureux Vyāsa a dit ceci :

XIX.
beaucoup ont donné une terre, beaucoup l’ont protégée, celui qui possède la terre en possède le fruit.

XX.
Qu’elle soit donnée par lui ou par un autre, celui qui prend une terre renaît ver de terre dans des excréments pendant soixante mille ans.

XXI.
Rāmabhadra demande ceci à tous les princes des rois à venir de la terre, encore et encore : « ce pont du dharma commun aux rois doit toujours être protégé par vous. »

XXII.
Qu’il soit de ma lignée ou de la lignée d’autres rois, c’est pour les souverains à venir sur terre qui, l’esprit éloigné du mal, préserveront cette mienne action pieuse2320 dans son intégrité, que j’ai fait cette añjali sur ma tête !

70-71L’exécuteur est le kaṭakarāja. Il a été gravé par Jayantācārya.

Commentary

Caesura obscured by sandhi in v3 (sragdharā) a1, v5 (sragdharā) a1 (semivowel), v6 (sragdharā) d2. An actual punctuation mark is used at the first caesura in v5 (sragdharā) d1.

XVI.
The vowel after śrīdvār may be read as au or a cursively written o; given my understanding of the context, I prefer the latter against KR’s reading of the former. The first problematic character’s core is certainly vv, indicated both by the fairly clear shape of the consonants and by the fact that the subscript component’s stem extends upward on the right of the principal component. The area above the body is effaced but seems to contain a repha, as confirmed by KR. There may also be a vowel ā, o, possibly au or even i or ī, either instead of or in addition to the repha. This syllable must be prosodically long, but since the next character may be a conjunct, we cannot be certain that the present syllable had a long vowel. Of the second character, some strokes of the body are clear, but part of the body is damaged, and there is also extensive damage above and, especially, below the body. The vestiges make b most likely for the principal component, but j is almost as likely, and alternatives such as , s, m and p cannot be ruled out altogether. It seems to me quite likely, though not certain, that this character had a subscript component. I expect one because there is no obvious long vowel in the preceding character (which must be prosodically long), and I think I can make out a humped bottom stroke (though little else) of this hypothetical subscript component. The space above the body may have held a repha and, in addition or instead, the short vowel i, but none of these are very likely. The third character definitely seems to be ri or in the estampage, though the circle above the body is smaller than in other instances of ri, and since KR reads ra, this circle may be random damage. The narrowness of the body permits no other reading of the consonant, though a damaged k cannot be ruled out entirely, and an awkwardly inscribed dh, th, ṭh or g is also conceivable. The fourth character is almost certainly a conjunct whose body is probably or m, possibly an awkwardly engraved s or a damaged p. The subscript component is very unclear but seems to be predominantly circular and may thus be ṭh, though v and m are also possible and r cannot be ruled out. There is probably a vowel mark above this character, but it is somewhat shapeless due to the descender of tra in the previous line. The vowel might perhaps be o or au, e or the overhead component of ai, but it does not seem to be attached to the left-hand side of the headmark, so it is most likely ī. Short vowels may be ruled out, since the following character is not a conjunct and a long syllable is expected here, and there is no space for ā or ū on the right-hand side of this consonant. The fifth and sixth characters are almost beyond doubt vana, though the space above both is badly marred, and the vowel i may be attached to either or both of these consonants. Both of these syllables must be prosodically short, so long vowels may be excluded, and the vowel u can be excluded on the basis of the estampage, which also rules out a subscript character attached to v. The seventh character is quite clearly pa, possibly ṣa. The seventh may be da as read by KR, but ḍa is also possible, as is an eccentrically written ṭa.

XVI.
At the beginning of this quagmire, I propose to read śrīdvārorvvabja, analysed as śrīdvāra+uru+abja. I understand uru to mean nothing more than “excellent” here (compare urutara in line 62), and abja to mean “conch,” just as jalaja is used in several other plates of Amma II in the description of the king’s bodily omens (jalajātapatra-cāmara-kalaśāṁkuśa-lakṣaṇāṁka-kara-caraṇa-talaḥ) In that list, ātapatra is identical to chatra of the present list, cāmara is found in both lists, kalaśa may be identical to karkarī, while aṅkuśa has no parallel here or in any other list I have scrutinised. Though jalaja and abja may also mean a lotus, I prefer to understand it as a conch because the conch is unambiguously featured in several lists of dynastic emblems, whereas the lotus does not appear in any of these. Thus, in multiple copies of the “Purāṇic genealogy” of the Eastern Cālukyas, eka-śaṅkha is one of the royal insignia, which also include śvetātapatra and some other items. The same term, eka-śaṅkhais featured among the insignia of a powerful underlord in the Drākṣārāma inscription of Kulottuṅga I (Aiyer 1933–1934), line 7, next to śrīdvāra, cāmara and ātapavāraṇa (=chatra). Finally, śaṅkha is included in a list of Rāṣṭrakūṭa royal emblems in the earlier Sirūr inscription of the Time of Amoghavarṣa I (Fleet 1902–1903), line 9, next to cāmara, śvetātapatra and a number of other items. Given the preponderance of conches in such lists, I think reading abja and interpreting it as “conch” here is plausible, though less than certain.

XVI.
At the end of the list, I can think of no plausible interpretation for the apparent vanapada, but believe, again on the basis of related lists, that the last two syllables could instead be read as paḍa. This word, probably meaning a kind of drum (or a subvariety of the ḍhakkā drum, which stands after it in compound; compare also the word paṭaha), appears in line 7 of the Ceruvu Mādhavaram plates of Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana (as a dynastic emblem along, among other things, with cāmara and a doorway with Gaṅgā and Yamunā, which may be similar to a śrīdvāra). It is also featured in copies of the Purāṇic genealogy mentioned above, though normally as pratiḍhakkā instead of paḍa-ḍhakkā. If further instances of paḍa, especially without ḍhakkā, could be found, this may serve as corroboration for the reading I propose here.

XVI.
Lists of such insignia may hold clues to more of the present unintelligible passage, but I have not been able to ascertain anything further. The rare term śrīdvāra is found in a list of the status symbols of a minister in line 83 of the Raṇastipūṇḍi grant of Vimalāditya. Its companions there are piṁcha, a peacock-feather fan that is also mentioned among the royal insignia in the Purāṇic genealogy and is probably equivalent to śikhiruha-paṭala here; karaka, a water vessel probably equivalent to karkarī here and possibly equivalent to kalaśa among the bodily omens on Amma II’s body; and ātapa-vāraṇa, found by one name or another in all of the lists discussed here. As mentioned above, śrīdvāra is also present in the lists of the Drākṣārāma inscription and the Raṇastipūṇḍi grant. The only other attestation of śrīdvāra that I know of is in line 48 of the Māṁgallu grant of Amma II, where its context is obscure, but there is definitely no list of insignia accompanying the word. The śrīdvāra may be equivalent to, or be a non-royal analogue of, the doorway with Gaṅgā and Yamunā mentioned in the Purāṇic genealogy, and it may also be identical or similar to the makara-toraṇa, another item of the Purāṇic genealogy. As I pointed out above, the śikhiruha-paṭala of the present text may be the same thing as the piṁcha, found in the Purāṇic genealogy and among the ministerial insignia of the Raṇastipūṇḍi grant, and our karkarī may be identical to the kalaśa among Amma’s bodily omens and the karaka of the Raṇastipūṇḍi ministerial insignia. Finally, kāhalādi in our inscription seems to refer to musical instruments and may thus be comparable to the mention of pañca (or aśeṣa) mahāśabdas in the Purāṇic genealogy, among the royal insignia in the Ceruvu Mādhavaram plates, and in the Sirūr inscription. It may also be relevant that flags of one sort or another feature almost universally in similar lists, but seem to be absent here. Thus, dhvaja is mentioned already in the Aihole inscription of Pulakeśin II, next to cāmara and chattra. The same word is used in the Drākṣārāma list, while a pāḷi-ketana or pāḷi-dhvaja is included in the Purāṇic genealogy, the Ceruvu Mādhavaram list and the Sirūr list. I have not been able to find any word meaning “flag” in the present text, but one may perhaps be hidden in one of the barely legible stretches.

Bibliography

First reported by Robert Sewell (1884: page 13, № 84). Also reported in ARIE 1908-1909: page 10, appendix A/1908–1909, № 8 with a description at ARIE 1908-1909: page 108, §60. Edited from inked impressions and photos by B. V. Krishna Rao (1937-1938), with photographs of 2v, 4v and the seal, and estampages of 3r, 3v and 4r. The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of KR’s edition with the published images.↓48

Primary

Krishna Rao, Bhavaraju Venkata. 1937–1938. “Masulipatam Plates of Ammaraja II.” Epigraphia Indica 24: 268–78.
[siglum KR]

Secondary

ARIE 1908-1909. Page 10, appendix A/1908–1909, № 8.
ARIE 1908-1909. Page 108, §60.
Sewell, Robert. 1884. List of Inscriptions, and Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India. Archaeological Survey of Southern India 2. Madras: Government Press.
Page 13, № 84.

Notes

↑1. The characters omitted here may have meant “plus eight” or something else. See the apparatus to line 11.
↑2. I am not certain in my interpretation of the last quarter of this stanza.
↑3. I am not certain of the exact interpretation of this stanza. The general purport is probably close to what I translate here, but some details may have been intended differently by the composer. There are probably some metaphysical allusions or double entendres on top of the primary meaning. At least some of the epithets in pāda c, most notably aṣṭa-mūrti, suggest Śiva, who may thus be signified by trimūrti in pāda a. In the second quarter, sakala-guṇaiḥ may mean “[fashioned] out of all guṇas” in addition to “[endowed] with all virtues”, and guṇa in pāda d may have the same double meaning, so that Ammarāja is said to have both a human being and the guṇas themselves as his generator, in addition to being an inciter of virtue in people.
↑4. The two parts of this statement work together: the serpent lord is (or lords are; compare line 72 of the Raṇastipūṇḍi grant of Vimalāditya) conceived as supporting the earth, but he needs (they need) a thousand hoods for that burden to rest on, while Amma needs only his one arm. Other kings each have their dominions, but Amma dominates the entire earth. There is no evident bitextual reading of the second part, but a more metaphorical interpretation such as “with a single, far reaching and dexterous arm” may have been intended.
↑5. The list of officials is open to different interpretations. I assume that “who reside in Velanāṇḍu district” does not apply to these people, since most of them may be members of the royal court or, in the case of sāmantas, countrywide administration. But it is also possible that all of these are to be understood on a local level. It is also not certain which, if any, of these titles are to be understood in the singular. It is quite certain that several sāmantas were intended and that only one purohita, namely the royal one, was meant. But most titles may refer to a single person in the royal court or several people holding a title on a local level. Finally, some of the terms used here may not be separate titles. It is thus possible that mahāmātra is to be construed as part of a compound title antaḥpura-mahāmātra rather than as a reference to the eighteen dignitaries (Arthaśāstra 12.6). Similarly, the twelve sthānādhipatis may be a collective name for the officials listed here (along with some others), rather than an additional group. 
↑6. The details of this stanza are problematic; see also the apparatus to line 40. The interpretation “in the gotra” requires emending the text. I cannot interpret the word adivana. KR comments that this Naravāhana ‘enjoyed the privilege and honour of sitting on siṁhāsana’, but I find this unlikely and difficult to obtain from the text.
↑7. The syntax of the first half of this stanza is not clear. I translate the text as interpreted by KR, since a few small emendations result in correct if cumbersome Sanskrit text with this meaning. But the repeated use of the ending -oḥ seems to be deliberate (perhaps intended as a dual?), and by this interpretation our guru has two names. Alternatively, the text may mean: “He is the sage Jayasena, praised by (other) sages, whose mind was initiated by the learned Nāthasena [or: the two learned Nāthasenas?], who was [or: were] the disciple[s] of the one named Candrasena.” Finally, given that we have two brothers and two temples, the composer’s intent may perhaps have been “Their preceptors in Jainism, learned in the texts, are the two disciples of a guru possessed of all qualities named Candrasena: [namely] Nāthasena and Jayasena of an initated mind, praised by (other) sages.” If this latter is the case, then the next stanza is to be understood as referring to both.
↑8. As a Jaina technical term, parasamaya may apparently mean either “other doctrines” (in which case proficiency probably implies the ability to debate with them), or the non-liberated state of the soul (in which case this probably means that the master was also proficient in worldly matters). KR says in his commentary that ‘his soul became absorbed in the non-self for the liberation of mankind from bondage’, but I cannot judge whether this explanation is legitimate.
↑9. The translations given for the Jaina technical terms here may be inaccurate. KR provides some further explanation, obtained from Pandit Ajit Prasad of Lucknow. Their editor in a footnote objects to seeing the last word as ārjjakā, Sanskrit āryakā, and would prefer ajjaka, Sanskrit āryaka, but gives neither a reason for this, nor an interpretation of the preceding word ārjya as distinct from his proposed āryaka.
↑10. Here and below, I translate the Telugu on the basis of the commentary by KR and a smattering of words picked up from related inscriptions, without any claim to authority or correctness.
↑11. Perhaps rather, “of the boundary village”?
↑12. The syntax of this stanza is quite awkward. I see no other way to make sense of rājakoktam and the two iterations of śāsanam than to assume that the text from stheyād to rājakoktaṁ was intended to stand as if in quote marks, referring to a charter issued by Bhīma and Naravāhana, which is now endorsed by a royal charter.
↑13. Indra.
↑14. Même durée de règne in inscription n°47.
↑15. L’éditeur précise que ces lettres ne sont pas lisibles.
↑16. ou : un éclat terrible.
↑17. Indra.
↑18. ou : qui avait été sacré roi par droit de succession. Ce mot apparaît dans d’autre inscription pour désigner le même roi.
↑19. ou : renoncement, terme volontairement ambigu qui suggère à la fois une attitude désintéressée et libérale.
↑20. La Mort.
↑21. Le terme « varga » dans ce contexte désigne ce qui appartient à un groupe, ce qui est partisan du dharma. Une seconde interprétation, non pertinente, serait « qui brise le dharma ».
↑22. ou : brisant par sa mort la pérénité du dharma.
↑23. Pārvatī.
↑24. Śiva.
↑25. Correct. pour veṅgi
↑26. Nous ignorons qui est ce personnage, il apparaît pour la première fois dans ce corpus.
↑27. Le collier du yuvarāja, du prince héritier.
↑28. Brahma, Viṣṇu et Śiva.
↑29. Dans ce pāda (b), le terme guṇa- renvoie aux attributs des 5 éléments : śabda, sparśa, rasa, rūpa et gandha. Il désigne aussi les 6 modes d’action du roi. (Arthś., VII, 1 et sqq.)
↑30. Śiva.
↑31. Dans ce pāda, (d), le terme guṇa- désigne les 3 qualités de la prakr̥ti : sattva, rajas, tamas. Cette signification s’applique à l’acte créateur de Śiva. Mais ce terme désigne aussi les vertus d’Ammarāja, avatar du dieu. Le śleṣa repose sur un double contexte référentiel : le roi et Śiva. Ainsi tous les qualificatifs de ce pāda peuvent aussi s’appliquer au dieu : tejorāśi- est une des ses épiclèses comme sa-pratāpa- (= pratāpavat-) et prajānāṁ pati- (= prajāpati-).
↑32. Ananta, qui porte la terre.
↑33. Brahma assis sur le lotus.
↑34. La fortune.
↑35. Le roi des montagnes.
↑36. Pārvatī.
↑37. Ce passage n’a pu être restitué par l’éditeur.
↑38. Br̥haspati.
↑39. Kubera.
↑40. Devoir des laïcs, référence à la foi jaïne.
↑41. Ce passage n’a pu être restitué par l’éditeur.
↑42. Ce passage n’a pu être restitué par l’éditeur.
↑43. Laïcs jaïns.
↑44. Praticiens du jaïnisme.
↑45. Catégories de moines jaïns qui ne sont pas entièrement ordonnés.
↑46. Religieux pleinement ordonnés.
↑47. Traduction du mot dharma qui prend dans ce contexte le sens d’action pieuse ou de donation.
↑48. As there is no image of 1v, 2r and 5r, my edition follows Krishna Rao precisely for these pages unless otherwise noted, and the position of the binding hole is not indicated on these pages.