Current Version: draft, 2024-09-02Z
Editor: Dániel Balogh.
DHARMA Identifier: INSVengiCalukya00038
Hand Description:
Halantas. Final K is a full-sized ka with a curly tail in place of a headmark, found in l32. Final T is a full-sized ta-shape without a headmark, with a curly tail; specimens in l8, l30, l51 (with a headmark and a tail, possibly a correction from ta). Final N is a small and raised na-shape with a curly tail on top; specimens in l10 (indistinct), l18, l24, l37, l39, l52. Final M is a raised circle at headline height, larger than an anusvāra, with a curly tail on top; specimens in l5, l7, l9, l11, l12, l51, l54, l55 (with the tail starting toward the right and down, and curling upward only after a dip), l60. Jihvāmūlīya in l42, l51; upadhmānīya in l10, l41, l43, l46, l51.
Original punctuation marks are straight verticals of body height, with a headmark. The second bar of the punctuation mark after l3 kṣite seems to have a curly upward extension like a repha and should perhaps be re-classified as an ornate one. Both opening symbols are flowers comprised of a circle, four petals in the cardinal directions, and four spikes in the intercardinals, all detached from the centre.
Other palaeographic observations. Anusvāra is normally at headline height after the character to which it belongs. It is occasionally shifted above the next character, as in l43 °itaṁ. Medial o is normally written with the cursive single stroke (not indicated in the markup); a composite stroke like e and ā combined occurs e.g. in l8 (and probably l9) viṣṇuvarddhano. Au is distinguished from the cursive o by having a larger right hump, while o is more nearly symmetrical. L17 yauvarājya is a good example for a distinct au, but some instances are identical to some instances of o and are read in good faith as expected (see e.g. the duals in ll25-26, where the cursive marker that could be o or au occurs twice and is read as au, while a bipartite mark that can only be is used once, and is read as an erroneous o. Hypersandhi in l13 samāṣṭabhiḥ (for samā aṣṭabhiḥ). The consonant ṭa has a tail at the top right and thus looks like ṭā; a clear specimen is in l40 ghaṭa. I accept the previous editors’ reading ṭa and, where needed, its emendation to ṭā, but given that this form does not appear common in Indoskript, perhaps it should instead be read as ṭā and emended to ṭa where necessary. Rare initial Ī occurs in line 60.
No metadata were provided in the table for this inscription
floretQuatrefoilsvasti śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-sa-
4ṁstūyamā◯na-mānavya-sagotrāṇāṁ hārīti-putrāṇāṁ k(au)śikī-vara-prasāda-labdha-rā-
5jyānām mā◯tr̥-ga⟨ṇa⟩-paripālitānāṁ svāmi-mahāsena-pādānudhyāyināM bhagava-
6n-nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samāsādita-vara-varāha-lāṁcchanekṣaṇa-kṣaṇa-vaś¿i?⟨ī⟩kr̥tārāti-maṇḍa(lā)-
7nām aśvamedhāvabhr̥tha-snāna-pavitrīkr̥ta-vapuṣāM cālukyānāṁ kulam alaṁkariṣṇos satyāśra-
8ya-vallabhendrasya bhrātā kubja-viṣṇuvarddhano [’]ṣṭ¿a?⟨ā⟩daśa var¡ṣṣ!āṇi veṁgi-maṇḍalam apālayaT| tad-ā(tma)-
⎘ plate 2r 9(jo) ja(ya)si⟨ṁ⟩has trayastrimśataM| tad-anujendrarāja-nandano viṣṇuvarddhano nava|
tat-sūnu(r) mmaṁgi-yuvarāja-
10ḫ paṁcaviṁśatin⟨|⟩ ta(t-putro) jayasi(ṁ)has trayodaśa| tad-avaraja⟨ḥ⟩ kokkili¡ṣ! ṣaṇ-māsā(N)| tasya jyeṣ(ṭh)o bhrātā
11(viṣṇuvarddhanas tam uccāṭya sa)ptatriṁśataM{|} varṣṣāni⟨|⟩ tat-putro vijayāditya-bhaṭṭ¿a?⟨ā⟩rako [’]ṣṭādaśa| tat-suto
12viṣṇuvarddhanaṣ ṣa◯ṭtriṁśataM
tat-putraḥ kali-viṣṇuvarddhano [’]dhyarddha-varṣaṁ| ta-
14t-putraḥ paracakrarāmāpara-nāmadheyaḥ
tad-anujasya labdha-
⎘ plate 2v 17-yauvarājyasya vikramādityasya sutaś cālukya-bh¿i?⟨ī⟩mas triṁśataṁ| tasyāgrajo vijayādityaḥ
18ṣaṇ māsāN| tad-agra-sūnur ammarājas sapta varṣāni| tat-sūnum ākramya bālaṁ cālukya-bh¿i?⟨ī⟩ma-pi-
19tr̥vya-yuddhamallasya nandanas tāla-nr̥po māsam ekaṁ|
paścād ahamahamikayā vikramādityāsta-
23mane rākṣasā Iva prajā-bādhana-parā dāyāda-rājaputrā rājyābhilāṣiṇo yuddhamalla-rā-
24jamārttaṇḍa¡la!-kaṇṭhikā-vijayāditya-prabhr̥tayo vigrah¿i?⟨ī⟩-bhūtā ĀsaN| vigra-
⎘ plate 3r 25heṇaiva paṁca varṣāni gatāni[.] tataḥ
sa samasta-bhuvanāśraya-śrī-vij¿ā?⟨a⟩y¿a?⟨ā⟩ditya-mahārājādhirāja-parameśvaraḫ parama-(dhā)-
42⟨r⟩mmiko [’]mmarājaẖ kammanāṇḍu-viṣaya-nivāsino rāṣṭrak¿u?⟨ū⟩ṭa-pramukhān kuṭuṁbinas sarvv¿a?⟨ā⟩n ittham ājñāpaya(ti)
43Āryyā|
tasy¿a?⟨ā⟩tma-
45jo niravadya◯dhavala⟨⟨ḥ⟩⟩ kaṭaka-rāja-paṭṭa-śobhita-lalāṭa⟨⟨ḥ⟩⟩[.] tat-tanayo vijayāditya-kaṭa-
46kādhipati⟨ḥ⟩|
¿vr̥ṁtta?⟨vr̥ttaṁ⟩
tad-adhiṣ¿ṭ?⟨ṭh⟩ita-kaṭak¿a?⟨ā⟩bhara¿n?⟨ṇ⟩a-jinālay(ā)-
54ya kaṭaka◯-rāja-vijñapt¿ai?⟨eḥ⟩ khaṇḍa-sphuṭa-navakr̥ty¿o?⟨ai⟩ ¿pi?⟨ba⟩li-prap¿u?⟨ū⟩jādi-sa¡t!ra-siddhy-artthaM| ¡yu!⟨U⟩-
55ttarāya¡n!⟨ṇ⟩a◯-nimitte maliyapūṇḍi nāma grāmaṭikā sarvva-kara-parihāra{M}m udaka-
56-p¿u?⟨ū⟩rvva⟨ṁ⟩ k¡ri!⟨r̥⟩tvā dattā|
Asya grāmāvadhayaḥ[.] pūrvvataḥ muṁjuny(a/u)ru| dakṣiṇataḥ yinimili| paści(ma)-
57taḥ kalvakuru| ¡yu!⟨U⟩ttarata(ḥ) dharmmavuramu| ¡ye!⟨E⟩tad-grāmasya kṣetrāvadhayaḥ[.] pūrvvataḥ gollani-
58-guṇṭha| Āgneyata(ḥ) r(ā)viyaperiya-ceṟuvu| dakṣiṇataḥ sthāpita-śilā| nair¡i!⟨r̥⟩tya⟨taḥ⟩ sth¿a?⟨ā⟩pita-śilaiva⟨|⟩
⎘ plate 5r 59paścimataḥ malkapaṟṟu koṟaboyu-taṭ¿a?⟨ā⟩kaś ca| vāyavyataḥ sth¿a?⟨ā⟩pita-śilaiva| Uttarataḥ duba-(ce)ṟuvu⟨|⟩ ¡Ī!⟨Ai⟩śānyāM| kalvakuri-E⟨r⟩vvoka-ceni-s¿i?⟨ī⟩maiva sīmā|
3-12Greetings. Satyāśraya Vallabhendra (Pulakeśin II) was eager to adorn the lineage of the majestic Cālukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hārītī, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who are humbly devoted to Lord Mahāsena,↓1 to whom enemy territories instantaneously submit at the [mere] sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions (avabhr̥tha) of the Aśvamedha sacrifice. His brother Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana protected (pāl-) the country of Veṅgī for eighteen years. His son Jayasiṁha (I), for thirty-three. His younger brother Indrarāja’s (Indra Bhaṭṭāraka’s) son Viṣṇuvardhana (II), for nine. His son Maṅgi Yuvarāja, for twenty-five. His son Jayasiṁha (II), for thirteen. His [brother] of inferior birth, Kokkili, for six months. After dethroning him, his eldest brother Viṣṇuvardhana (III), for thirty-seven years. His son Vijayāditya (I) Bhaṭṭāraka, for eighteen. His son Viṣṇuvardhana (IV), for thirty-six.
13-14His son Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana (V), for a year and a half. His son, also called Paracakrarāma,
16-19The son of his younger brother—Vikramāditya, who had attained the rank of heir-apparent (yauvarājya)—[this son] Cālukya-Bhīma [reigned] for thirty [years]. His elder-born [son]↓4 Vijayāditya (IV) for six months. His firstborn son Ammarāja (I), for seven years. After assaulting his underage son, King (nr̥pa) Tāla—the son of Yuddhamalla, the paternal uncle of Cālukya-Bhīma—for one month.
22-25Then, upon the demise of the Sun of Valour (Vikramāditya), collateral (dāyāda) princes (rājaputra)—such as Yuddhamalla, Rājamārtaṇḍa and Vijayāditya of the Locket (kaṇṭhikā)—materialised like demons (rākṣasa) {upon the setting of the sun}, yearning for kingship out of egomania and bent on oppressing the subjects. Five years passed in nothing but strife. Then—
41-42That shelter of the entire universe (samasta-bhuvanāśraya), His Majesty Vijayāditya, Supreme Lord (parameśvara) of Emperors (mahārājādhirāja), the supremely virtuous Ammarāja (II), commands the householders (kuṭumbin)—including foremost the territorial overseers (rāṣṭrakūṭa)—who reside in Kammanāṇḍu district (viṣaya) as follows:
43[What follows is] moraic verse.↓8
44-46His son Niravadya Dhavala had his head decorated with the turban of the castellan (kaṭaka-rāja). His son was the castellan (kaṭakādhipati) Vijayāditya.
46[What follows is] syllabic verse.
53-56Upon the request of the Castellan (kaṭaka-rāja), on the occasion of the winter solstice the hamlet named Maliyapūṇḍi has been donated with a remission of all taxes to the Jain temple Kaṭakābharaṇa superintended by him (Diradeva), [the donation being] sanctified by (a libation of) water, for the renovation of what is broken and cracked (khaṇḍa-sphuṭa) [and] for the purpose of offerings, worship and suchlike, and charity (satra).
56-59The boundaries of this village [are as follows]. To the east, Muṁjunyaru. To the south, Yinimili.↓10 To the west, Kalvakuru. To the north, Dharmavuramu.↓11 The boundaries of this village’s fields [are as follows]. To the east, the Gollani pond. To the southeast, the Rāviyaperiya tank. To the south, a demarcation stone. To the southwest, ditto a demarcation stone. To the west, Malkapaṟṟu and the Koṟaboyu tank. To the northwest, ditto a demarcation stone. To the north, the Duba tank. In the northeast, the border is none other than the border of the ervvoka field↓12 of Kalvakuru.
3-12Prospérité ! Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana, frère de Satyāśraya Vallabhendra, qui orne la dynastie des Cālukya, illustres, du même gotra que les descendants de Manu, loués dans l’univers entier, fils de Hārīti, ayant reçu leur royaume par l’excellente faveur de Kauśikī, protégés par les Mères réunies, méditant aux pieds du seigneur Mahāsena, eux dont les cercles ennemis ont été soumis en un instant à la vue du signe de l’excellent sanglier, faveur octroyée par le bienheureux Nārāyaṇa, eux dont les corps ont été purifiés grâce aux bains consécutifs au sacrifice du cheval, a protégé le maṇḍala de Veṅgī pendant dix huit années. Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant trente-trois ans ; Le fils d’Indrarāja, frère cadet de ce dernier, Viṣṇuvardhana, pendant neuf ans ; Le fils de celui-ci, Maṁgi, le prince héritier, pendant vingt-cinq ans ; Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant treize ans ; Le frère cadet de ce dernier, Kokkili, pendant six mois ; Son frère aîné, Viṣṇuvardhana, après l’avoir chassé, pendant trente-sept ans ; Le fils de celui-ci, Vijayāditya, l’illustre seigneur, pendant dix-huit ans ; Son fils Viṣṇuvardhana pendant trente-six ans ;
13-14son fils Kali Viṣṇuvardhana pendant un an et demi ; son fils, dont l’autre nom est Paracakrarāma,
16-19le fils du roi Vikramāditya, frère cadet de ce dernier,↓14 qui avait reçu les droits du prince héritier, Cālukya-Bhīma a protégé la terre pendant trente ans ; Son fils aîné, le roi Vijayāditya↓15 pendant six mois ; Son fils aîné, Ammarāja, pendant sept ans ; Après avoir attaqué le fils de celui-ci,↓16 alors qu’il était enfant, le fils de Yuddhamalla, oncle du côté parternel de Cālukya Bhīma, le roi Tāla a protégé la terre pendant un mois ;
22-25Ensuite, convaincu de leur supériorité, lorsque Vikramāditya s’éteignit, occupés à opprimer leurs sujets, comme des Rākṣasa opprimant les créatures au coucher du soleil, les princes prétendant au trône, aspirant à la conquête du pouvoir, Yuddhamalla, Rājamārtaṇḍa et Kaṇṭhīkā Vijayāditya en tête, se firent la guerre. Cinq années de guerre passèrent↓17 puis,
41-42Celui-ci, refuge de l’univers entier, l’illustre Vijayāditya, souverain suprême des grands rois, premier seigneur, roi très juste, ayant convoqué tous les chefs de familles de la circonscription de Kammanāṇḍu, les raṣṭrakūṭa en tête, ordonne pour l’éternité ceci :
43Nobles seigneurs !
44-46Son fils était Niravadyadhavala, il portrait sur son front le turban brillant du kaṭakarāja; Son fils était Vijayāditya, un kaṭakādhipati;↓18
46Voici les vers :
53-56[Nous] donnons au temple jaïn Kaṭakābharaṇa, administré par ce dernier, à la requête du kaṭakarāja, en vue de l’accomplissement des offrandes, du culte, etc., et d’un sattra↓23 avec la rénovation de ce qui est tombé en ruine,↓24 à l’occasion du solstice d’hiver, le village nommé Maliyapūṇḍi, exempté de toute taxe, après avoir fait une libation d’eau.
56-59Les limites de ce village sont : A l’est, Muñjunyuru ; Au sud, Yinimili ; A l’ouest, Kalvakuru ; Au nord, Dharmavuramu. Les limites des terrains de ces villages sont : A l’est l’étang Gollani ; Au sud-est, le réservoir de Rāviyaperiya ; Au sud, une pierre dressée ; Au sud-ouest, une pierre dressée aussi ; A l’ouest, Malkapaṟṟu et l’étang de Koṟaboyu ; Au nord-ouest, une pierre dressée aussi ; Au nord, le réservoir de Duba ; Au nord-est, la limite est aussi la limite de Evvokacenu à Kalvakuru.
The name Nodaṁba in stanza 3 must have a short o for the metre to be correct. The same stanza has two enjambements, including one from the first hemistich to the second. Verse 6, if correctly emended (see apparatus to line 28), has an early break (sandhi fusion) at the end of pāda c. The first quarter of verse 8 may be a ra-vipulā, but its preamble does not conform to a pattern permitted in this variation as far as I am aware. Stanza 12 is in the rare gaṇacchandas metre lalitā, other instances of which occur in stanza 2 of the Guṇḍugolanu grant of Amma II and stanza 3 of the Kolaveṇṇu plates of Bhīma II. Stanza 17 is in the rare gaṇacchandas metre sugīti, the only occurrence of this metre that I am aware of so far. Stanza 18 is probably another lalitā, but it fits that metre only if the name koṭimaḍuva, comprising the fifth foot of the first hemistich, is read as four morae (either by poetical licence or because it needs emendation to shorten it by one syllable, and assuming that ko is pronounced with a short o). Hultzsch tentatively proposes emending gaṇeśa to gaṇeśvara to correct the metre. This would result in a gīti stanza, but a deficient one, since although the mora count is correct, the expected pattern ⏑–⏑ (or ⏑||⏑⏑⏑) does not obtain in the sixth foot of the first hemistich. There is also a possibility that the śa of gaṇeśa was deleted rather than corrected from something else, but even taking that possibility into account, I have not been able to arrive at any reading or emendation that would fit any other moraic template perfectly.
I follow previous editors in not emending kammanāṇḍu to karmmanāṇḍu, though the form karmmarāṣṭra is attested in several related inscriptions. Hultzsch observes that Kammanāṇḍu must be identical to the Kammarāṣṭra or Kammākarāṣṭra of other inscriptions, and cites also the Prakrit form Kaṁmākaraṭha from a Jaggayyapeṭa inscription. Stanza 21 is in yet another rare gaṇacchandas metre, vallarī, again the only specimen that I am aware of so far.
The word vr̥ttaṁ, introducing verse (incidentally, also sragdharā) after a prose section, also occurs in CalE51 .
There is information about the yāpanīya saṅgha in an article by A. N. Upadhye in ABORI 55 (1974), not traced; there are further references in this article.
First edited from the original by Alan Butterworth and V. Venugopaul Chetty (1905: pages 164–181, № 19), with photographs (which appear to have been retouched by hand to emphasise the characters, not always reliably) and translation. Re-edited from inked impressions by E. Hultzsch (1907-1908), with an abridged translation and with estampages. The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of the above editions and the visual material published with them.↓25
↑1. While I consistently translate the phrase (pāda+)anudhyāta, occurring in almost all Cālukya plates, as “deliberately appointed by,” the construction
here is with °ānudhyāyin. Thus, the composer of this text had in mind “meditation on feet of,” or at least
a humble devotion to the respected presence. This in turn may mean that the standard
phrase with (pāda+)anudhyāta was also understood to have this latter meaning by this time in the Cālukya chancellery.
Compare Ferrier and Törzsök 2008: 109.
↑2. I construe bhūri- in compound with nodaṁba-rāṣṭra, as Hultzsch does, and understand it to mean “large/populous/plentiful/mighty.” It
is also possible to construe bhūri as an adverb, as translated by Butterworth and Venugopaul Chetty, in which case Vijayāditya
III defeated Maṅgi summarily or repeatedly. With this latter interpretation, saḍ must be construed in compound to the following word; cf. the next note.
↑3. I construe saḍ as an adverb with nirjjitya. Hultzsch construes it in compound with the following word, translating, ‘the excellent Ḍāhala’. Both interpretations are plausible grammatically, and the choice matters little
ultimately, but I feel that while an enemy country may be described as bhūri (cf. the previous note) to emphasise the king’s prowess even more, the adjective
sat would not be used for the country of a defeated enemy.
↑4. The word agraja, literally “fore-born,” is established in the sense of elder brother, yet Vijayāditya
IV was the son of Cālukya-Bhīma. The word may have been used by the composer in an
unconventional sense here (compare agra-sūnur in the next item and a possible use of agra-janman in line 32 of the Kalucuṁbaṟṟu grant of Amma II). More probably, °āgraja may be a mistake for °ātmaja.
↑5. See the commentary about the problems with the reading and interpretation of this
stanza.
↑6. I translate the expected meaning, but the word avyāt is problematic; see the apparatus to line 32.
↑7. Alternatively, jalaja may mean a fish or perhaps a lotus. This latter is how Butterworth and Venugopaul
Chetty translate this word (while Hultzsch does not bother to translate this stanza).
↑8. This word is not an address meaning “Gentlemen!” as translated by both previous editors.
Although theoretically, the king might address the above people in this way, there
is no parallel for this in any related grant. Rather, it was intended for a label
(compare the label vr̥ttaṁ in line 46 below, and the use of both vr̥ttaṁ and āryā as labels in several other Eastern Cālukya grants (e.g. line 8 of the Raṇastipūṇḍi grant of Vimalāditya). However, the present label is incorrect; the following stanza is not in a metre
of the āryā family.
↑9. I believe vasati is used as a noun in this stanza, and therefore emend to vasatiḥ; see the apparatus to line 49. There are thus two separate items featured here: a
temple and a monastery. This is confirmed by the presence of the connective ca. The name Kaṭakābharaṇa probably designates both (singly or jointly), but syntactically, it is applied to the monastery in this verse. Hultzsch apparently
understands vasati as a verb and translates it, with some stretch, as “there is;” accordingly, he speaks
only of a temple. Butterworth and Venugopaul Chetty also do not emend vasati; their translation is harder to follow than Hultzsch’s, but probably also uses “there
is” to render vasati as a verb. However, they do seem to think that two separate items are mentioned,
an ‘excellent temple’ (saj-jinālaya) and a ‘holy temple’ (puṇyālaya?). In my interpretation, although the noun vasati is feminine, construing puṇyālayo (masculine) in apposition to it is not syntactically problematic, since ālaya is itself a substantive. The compound ending in nāma is used adverbially in the neuter accusative.
↑10. Or perhaps Inimili, given the scribe’s propensity to add an epenthetic y before initial vowels.
↑11. I.e. the village or town referred to in stanza 17 as Dharmapurī.
↑12. The word ervvoka is probably the Telugu word ēṟuvāka (or ēruvāka), apparently meaning the commencement of cultivation. The term ervvoka-ceṇu also appears in line 27 of the Cevuru plates of Amma I.
↑13. Corr. à Guṇagāṁka.
↑14. De Guṇagāṁka.
↑15. Corr. à Kollabhigaṇḍa.
↑16. Vijayāditya V.
↑17. Cette époque correspond dans les autres inscriptions au règne de Yuddhamalla qui dura
sept ans. Il y a donc un décalage de deux ans dans la chronologie de cette praśasti, de même que dans l’inscription de Vemalūrpāḍu.
↑18. Autre terme qui désigne le chef de camp du roi, Vijayāditya hérite de la fonction
de son père.
↑19. Il semblerait que, comme le roi, le chef de camp donne son nom aux temples.
↑20. Nom d’un groupe religieux.
↑21. Ce sont les onze premiers disciples directs du 24ième Jina, Mahāvira.
↑22. Le mot prātihārya signifie dans un contexte bouddhique et jaïn « qui accomplit des miracles », St.
Petersburg Dictionary.
↑23. Lieu où l’on distribue gatuitement de la nourriture, cf. D. C. Sircar, 1966, p. 306.
↑24. L’inscription n° 46 présente une formulation très proche : khaṇḍa-sphuṭita-nava-karmmārttha[ṁ*], mais ne mentionne pas le bali, sattra et prapūja. Le sens de ce dernier terme reste obscur.
↑25. Neither publication includes an image of the seal.