Kalucuṁbaṟṟu grant of Amma II

Metadata

Current Version: draft, 2025-01-14Z

Editor: Dániel Balogh.

DHARMA Identifier: INSVengiCalukya00037

Hand Description:

Halantas. Final N: l11, 31. Final M: a small circle at baseline level, with an upward tail that bends sharply to the right, then curves upward again; l8, l10, 12, 13, 14 (twice), 15, 35, 71 Final K: l17 (no image). Final T: l8 apālayaT looks like ta without a headmark, and with a dot above rather than a curly tail, 29, 31, 32, 42, 60, 73.

Original punctuation marks. The few that occur in pages of which I do have photos are unclear; the few that are to some extent visible (e.g. l47 after ropitāni) seem to be plain straight verticals. Punctuation marks appear after odd quarters (i.e. at the caesura within a hemistich) of some moraic stanzas, even within a compound (v14, v15). According to Fleet, the mark after atha vā in line 15 ‘may be taken either as a single mark or as a double mark’ and ‘is represented by what is substantially a final n’, but he is aware of such a mark occurring as punctuation in lines 51 and 53 the Diggubaṟṟu grant of Bhīma II (where I, as well as Fleet in his own edition of that text, read a final N as an error for what should be a punctuation mark). I have no image of that page, but for the time being encode an erroneous N here too. Of the opening symbol, only a few random-seeming strokes are discernible in the scanned photo. It may be a floret as in some other grants of Amma II, but the vestiges do not imply this with any certainty. Fleet transcribes it as om and says it is represented by "an ornate symbol."

Other palaeographic observations. Anusvāra is normally at headline height after the character to which it belongs, but sometimes over the next character as in l6 alaṁkariṣṇos. Fleet discusses at some length the form of initial I in this inscription. He says it is a variety of "the old square type", by which he refers to the standard southern shape of I that looks like a pair of wings with a pair of dots or circles below (which Dani calls the "double roof type" of I). In the present inscription, instead of dots or circles below the wings, we only have the wingtips extended downward and ending in a hook there (two specimens in line 66 are quite clear even in the scanned photos). Fleet calls this form "more or less a freak" and an "abnormal form", while explicitly stating that it is "not a transitional form, but is a variety of the old square type". I do not know what other variety he has in mind into which this form could be a transition, but I fully agree that the present form is a variety of the old form. Dependent o is often of the cursive form, with the tail ending at headline height and the two humps of roughly the same height; dependent au has a conspicuously higher right hump and, though it also ends at headline height, has a more pronounced hook at the end.

Additional Metadata

No metadata were provided in the table for this inscription

Edition

Seal

¹śrī-tribhuvan¿a?⟨ā⟩ṁku
²(śa)ḥ

Plates

^{⎘ plate 1v}¹indistinct svasti[.] śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁstūyamāna-mānavya-sago(trā)-
²ṇāṁ hārīti-putrāṇāṁ kauśikī-vara-prasāda-labdha-rājyānāṁ mātr̥-gaṇa-pari-
³pālitānāṁ svāmi-mahāsena-pādānudhyātānāṁ bhagavan-nārāyaṇa-prasā-
⁴da-samāsā◯dita-vara-varāha-lāṁ¡cch!anekṣaṇa-kṣaṇa-vaśīkr̥tārāti-
⁵-maṇḍalā◯nā{ṁ}m aśvamedh¿a?⟨ā⟩vabhr̥¿t?⟨th⟩a-snāna-pavitrīkr̥ta-vapuṣāṁ cā-
⁶lukyānāṁ kula◯m alaṁkariṣṇos satyāśraya-vallabhendrasya bhrātā

I. Anuṣṭubh

śrī-patir vvi⁷krame¿n?⟨ṇ⟩ādyo

durjjayād balito hr̥tāṁ

Aṣṭādaśa samāḥ kubja-

-viṣṇur jjiṣṇu⁸r mmahīm apālayaT(|)

tad-ātmajo jayasiṁhas trayastriṁśataM⟨|⟩ tad-a-
^{⎘ plate 2r}⁹nujendrarāja-nandano viṣṇuvarddhano nava| tat-sūnur mmaṁgi-yuvarājaḥ pa-
¹⁰ṁcaviṁśa⟨ti⟩M| tat-putro jayasiṁhas trayodaśa| tasya dvaimāturānujaḥ ko-
¹¹kkili⟨ḥ⟩ ṣaṇ māsāN⟨|⟩ tasya j⟨y⟩eṣṭho bhrātā viṣṇuvarddhanas tam uccāṭya saptatriṁśa-
¹²taM| tat-suto vijayāditya-bhaṭṭārako [’]ṣṭādaśa| tat-suto viṣṇu-
¹³varddhanaḥ ṣaṭtriṁśataM| tat-suto narendramr̥garājas sāṣṭa-catvāriṁśa-
¹⁴taM| tat-putraḥ kali-viṣṇuvarddhano [’]dhyarddha-varṣaM⟨|⟩ tat-suto guṇaga-vijayāditya-
¹⁵ś catuścatvāri⟨ṁ⟩śataM| atha vā¿N?⟨|⟩

II. Śikhariṇī

sutas tasya jyeṣṭho guṇaga-vijayāditya-patir aṁ-

kakāras sākṣ¿a?⟨ā⟩d vallabha-nr̥pa-samabhyarccita-bhujaḥ

pradhāna⟨ḥ⟩ śūrā¿n?⟨ṇ⟩ām api subhaṭa^{⎘ plate 2v}¹⁷-cūḍāma¿n?⟨ṇ⟩ir a¿ś?⟨s⟩au

catasraś catvāriṁśatim api samā bhūmim abhunaK|

III. Anuṣṭubh

tad-bhrātu¹⁸r yyuvarājasya

vikramāditya-bhūpate⟨ḥ⟩

śatru-vitrā¿ś?⟨s⟩a-kr̥t putro

dānī ¹⁹kānīna-sannibhaḥ|

IV. Śārdūlavikrīḍita

jitvā saṁyati kr̥ṣṇa-vallabha-mahā-daṇḍaṁ sa-dāyā²⁰dakan

da¡t!vā deva-muni-dvijāti-tanayo dharmmārttham art¿t?⟨th⟩a{r}m muhuḥ

kr̥²¹tvā rājyam a⟨ka⟩ṇṭakan nirupamaṁ sa⟨ṁ⟩vr̥ddham r̥ddha-praja⟨ṁ⟩

bhīmo bhūpati²²r anvabhu⟨ṁ⟩kta bhuvana⟨ṁ⟩ nyāyāt samās triṁśataṁ|

V. Hariṇī

tad anu vijayādityas ta²³sya priya⟨s⟩ tanayo mahān

adhika-dhanadas satya-tyāga-pratāpa-sama²⁴nvitaḥ

para-hr̥daya-ni⟨r⟩bhedī nāmnaiva kollabigaṇḍa-bhū-

-patir akr̥^{⎘ plate 3r}²⁵ta ṣan māsā¿ṁ?⟨n⟩ rājyan naya-s¿t?⟨th⟩i⟨⟨ti⟩⟩-saṁyutaḥ|

VI. Vasantatilakā

tasyāgra-sūnur aparāji²⁶ta-śaktir amma-

-rājaḥ parājita-parāvani-rāja-rāj¿ī?⟨i⟩ḥ

rāj¿a?⟨ā⟩bhavad vidita²⁷-rājamahendra-nām¿a?⟨ā⟩

varṣāni sapta saraniḥ karuṇā-rasasya|

tasy¿a?⟨ā⟩-
²⁸tmaja⟨ṁ⟩ vijayāditya⟨ṁ⟩ bālam uccāṭya śrī-yuddhamallātmajas tā-
²⁹lapa-rājo māsam ekam{m} arakṣīt| tam āhave vinirjjitya
³⁰cālukya-bhīma-tanayo vikramādityo vikrameṇākrame
³¹nikṣipya nava māsān ⟨a⟩pālayat| tato yuddhamallas tālapa-rā-
³²jāgra-ja{ja}nmā sapta varṣāni gr̥h¿i?⟨ī⟩tvātiṣṭhaT|

VII. Vasantatilakā

tatrāntare vidita^{⎘ plate 3v}³³-kollabigaṇḍa-s¿u?⟨ū⟩to

dvaimāturo vinuta-rājamahendra-nāmnaḥ

bhī³⁴mādhipo vijita-bh¿i?⟨ī⟩ma-bala-pratāpaḥ

prācīn diśaṁ vimalayann udi³⁵to vijetuM

VIII. Sragdharā

śrīmantaṁ rājamayyan dhaḻagam urutaran tātabikkiṁ praca³⁶ṇḍa⟨ṁ⟩

bijjaṁ sa(jjaṁ) ◯ (ca) yuddhe balinam atit¿ā?⟨a⟩rām ayyapaṁ bhīmam ugraṁ

³⁷daṇḍaṁ govi◯nda-rāja-praṇihitam adhikaṁ coḻa-paṁ (l/ḻ)ovabikkiṁ

vi³⁸krānta⟨ṁ⟩ yuddhamallaṁ (gha)ṭita-gaja-ghaṭān sannihatyaika Eva|

IX. Sragdharā

bhītān āśvā³⁹sayan sa¡t-ś!⟨c-ch⟩araṇam upagat¿a?⟨ā⟩n pālayan kaṇṭakān ut-

sannān kurvvan su-gr̥hṇa⁴⁰n karam apara-bhuvo raṁjaya¿na?⟨N⟩ svaṁ janaugha(M)

tanvan kīrtti⟨ṁ⟩ narendroccayam avana⁴¹mayann ārjjayan vastu-rāśīn

eva(ṁ) śrī-rāja-bhīmo jagad a(kh)i(lam a)¿(ś)?⟨s⟩(au dvādaśā)^{⎘ plate 4r}⁴²bdāny arakṣaT|

X. Āryāgīti

tasya maheśvara-mū⟨r⟩tter umā-samānākr̥teḥ kumāra-samāna⟨ḥ⟩

lo⁴³kamahādevyāḥ khalu yas samabhavad Ammarāja Iti vikhyāt¡o!⟨aḥ⟩

XI. Āryāgīti

yo rūpeṇa ⁴⁴manojaṁ vibhavena mahendram ahimakaram uru-mah¿ā?⟨a⟩sā

ha⟨⟨ra⟩⟩m ari-pura-daha⁴⁵nena nyak-kurvvan bhāti vidita-nirmmala-kīrttiḥ

XII. Vasantatilakā

yad-bāhu-daṇḍa-karavāla-vidāritāri-

⁴⁶-mattebha-kuṁ◯bha-galitāni vibhānti yuddhe

muktā¿p?⟨ph⟩alāni subhaṭa-kṣa⁴⁷tajokṣitā◯ni

bījāni kīrtti-vitater iva ropitāni{ḥ}|

sa samasta-
⁴⁸-bhuvanāśraya-śrī-vijayāditya-mahārājādhirāja-parameśvara-parama-bha-
⁴⁹ṭṭārakaḥ parama-brahmaṇya¡-m! attilināṇḍu-viṣaya-nivāsino rāṣṭrakūṭa-pramu-
⁵⁰khān kuṭuṁbinas samāhūyettham ājñāpayati{ḥ}|

XIII. Āryāgīti

Aḍḍakali-gaccha-nāmā| vala^{⎘ plate 4v}⁵¹hāri-gaṇa-pratīta-vikhyāta-yaśā⟨ḥ⟩|

cāturvvarṇ⟨y⟩¿ā?⟨a⟩-śrama¿n?⟨ṇ⟩a-viśeṣānna-śrāṇanābhi⁵²laṣita-manaskaḥ|

XIV. Āryāgīti

śrī-rāja-calukyānvaya¡|!-parivārita-paṭṭavarddhikānvaya-ti⁵³lakā|

gaṇikā jana-mukha-kam¿u?⟨a⟩la-dyumaṇi-dyutir iha hi cāmekā⁵⁴ṁbābhūt sā|

XV. Āryāgīti

jina-dharmma-jala-vivarddhana¡|!-śaśi-rucira-samā⁵⁵na-kīrtti-lābha-vilolā|

dāna-dayā-ś¿i?⟨ī⟩la-yutā| cāru⁵⁶-śrī⟨ḥ⟩ śrāvakī budha-śruta-niratā|

yasyā¡ḥ! guru-paṁktir ucya-
⁵⁷te|

XVI. Āryāgīti

siddhānta-pāradr̥śvā prakaṭita-guṇa-sakalacandrasiddhānta-muni⟨ḥ⟩|

⁵⁸tac-chiṣy¿a?⟨o⟩ guṇavān prabhur amita-yaśās su-matir ayyapoṭi-mu⁵⁹nīndraḥ|

XVII. Sragdharā

tac-chiṣyāyārhanandy-¿ā?⟨a⟩ṁkita-vara-munaye cāmekāṁbā subhaktyā

śrī^{⎘ plate 5r}⁶⁰ma¡T ś!⟨c ch⟩rī-sarvvalokāśraya-jina-bhavana-khyāta-satrā⟨r⟩t¿t?⟨th⟩am uccai¡r!

vveṁgī-nāthāmma⁶¹rāj¿a?⟨e⟩ kṣitibhr̥ti kalucuṁbaṟṟu-su-grāmam iṣṭaṁ

¿c?⟨s⟩antuṣṭā dāpayitvā bu⁶²dha-jana-vinutāṁ yatra j¿a?⟨ā⟩grāha kīrttiM|

Uttarāyaṇa-nimittena ¿k?⟨kh⟩aṇḍa-sphuṭi-
⁶³¡k!⟨t⟩a-nava-karmmārttha⟨ṁ⟩ sarvva-kara-parihāraṁ śāsanī-kr̥tya dattam

asyāvadhayaḥ[.] pūrvva-
⁶⁴taḥ Āruvi◯lli[.] dakṣiṇatah korukolanu[.] paścimataḥ yiḍiyūru|
⁶⁵Uttarataḥ (yu)◯llikodamaṇḍru| ta¡ss!ya kṣetrāvadhayaḥ[.] pūrvvataḥ śarkarakuṟṟu[.]
⁶⁶dakṣiṇatah Iṟṟulakoḻu[.] paścimataḥ Iḍiyūri pola-garusu[.] Uttarataḥ kaṁcarigu-
⁶⁷ṇḍu| Asyopari na kenacid bādhā karttavyā[.] yaḥ karoti sa paṁca-mahāpātaka-sa⟨ṁ⟩yu-
⁶⁸kto bhavati{ḥ}|

XVIII. Anuṣṭubh

bahubhir vvasudhā dattā{ṁ}

bahubhiś cānupālitā

yasya yasya ya⁶⁹dā bhūmis

tasya tasya tadā phalaṁ|

XIX. Anuṣṭubh

sva-dattā⟨ṁ⟩ para-dattā⟨ṁ⟩ vā

yo hareta vasu^{⎘ plate 5v}⁷⁰(ndha)rā(ṁ)

ṣaṣṭi-varṣa-sahasrāṇi

viṣṭhāyā⟨ṁ⟩ ⟨jāya⟩te kr̥miḥ|

Asya grā⟨⟨ma⟩⟩sya grāmak¿u?⟨ū⟩ṭa-
⁷¹tva(ṁ ka)ṭṭalāṁbātmaja{ḥ}-kusumāyudhāya dattaṁ śāśvataM| Asya grāmasya
⁷²(ka?)ppābhidhānaṁ kara-varjjita¡ḥ!|

XX. Anuṣṭubh

Ājñāptiḥ kaṭakādhīś¿a?⟨o⟩

bhaṭṭadevaś ca lekhakaḥ

kaviḥ ka⁷³vicakravarttī

¿śāsanassāśyukr̥t?⟨śāsanasyāsya kāvya-kr̥t⟩|

ped¿dh?⟨d⟩a-kalucuvubaṟiti śāsana⟨ṁ⟩bu sesina bha-
⁷⁴ṭṭadevanik arahanandi-bhaṭār¿a?⟨u⟩lu guṁsimiya raṭṭ(o?)ḍlu-gāmpulunuṇḍi panu[?1×]ṇḍa tūmuna n(e/i) vuṭlu vittu-paṭṭu vrasādañ cesiri

Apparatus

Seal

Plates

² hārīti- ◇ hāriti- JFF
⁵ -maṇḍalā◯nā{ṁ}m • According to Fleet’s note, the ā in this word is formed by a direct upward continuation of the last stroke of n, instead of being attached in the usual way as a projection to the right of that stroke. He says this is probably a subsequent insertion, drawn in this shape for lack of space for the normal form. He points out that the same occurs in l6, satyāśraya (see the apparatus for that word) and in a few other places as well. The character is very unclear in my scanned photo, but it seems to me rather that the vowel is attached with a downward curve which then turns back up, as ā is often attached to ṇ. Pending examination of a good photo, the character could perhaps be ṇā or ṇā corrected into nā.
⁶ satyāśraya- • According to Fleet’s note, the ā in this word is formed by a direct upward continuation of its consonant’s last stroke. In the scanned photo, I can see this clearly, looking like a repha or a mirrored question mark. Fleet may be correct in assuming that this vowel mark was inserted subsequently, but it seems to me that correction took place on a slightly larger scale here. The characters tyāśra are crowded close to one another and to the adjacent characters, and śra is very narrow. There is also a mark resembling a large candrabindu over śra (and interfering with the unusual ā of the preceding character), which I cannot interpret. The most likely interpretation in my opinion is that śra was initially omitted and to correct the omission, the regular vowel mark of tyā was deleted, replaced by the upward mark, and śra was added in the resulting space. — ⁶ śrī- ◇ śr¿i?⟨ī⟩- JFF
^7–8 -viṣṇur jjiṣṇu/r mmahīm apālayaT • To rectify the hypermetrical line, Fleet suggests deleting laya (i.e. emending apālayaT to apāT). This is entirely plausible, but perhaps instead jiṣṇur was added unnecessarily.
⁸ apālayaT(|) • Fleet prints an original punctuation mark as clear, but in the photo I only see a space barely wider than that between some characters, and perhaps a dot or a visarga-like pair of dots in that space. — ⁸ trayastriṁśataM ◇ trayastriṁśataṁ JFF
²⁰ -tanayo JFF • Having no facsimile of this page, I must accept Fleet’s reading, but I find it very awkward in this context, where I would expect a different word. In this vein, it may be possible to read (or emend to) -tataye. See also the note to the translation.
²¹ nirupamaṁ JFF • This word should be checked when possible; can it be nirupamaḥ instead? The epithet Nirupama is applied to Bhīma I in the Drujjūru grant of Amma I (line 15).
²³ priya⟨s⟩ tanayo • As Fleet also observes, the emendation is not necessary for the text to make sense, but is required to restore the metre.
²⁴ -ni⟨r⟩bhedī • Here too, the emendation is necessary in order to rectify the metre.
²⁵ -sūnur ◇ -sunūr JFF • I have no facsimile of this page, but since Fleet does not emend, this must be a typo in his edition.
³² °āgra-ja{ja}nmā JFF • As Fleet points out, Yuddhamalla is described in other grants as the son (suta, sūnu) or eldest son (jyeṣṭha-suta) of Tāla. While the latter could mean "son of his eldest brother," the former cannot. Therefore agraja-janman is incorrect here. The intent of the composer was thus probably agra-janman, though there is a slight chance that the genealogy is represented, mistakenly or deliberately, in a distorted form here.
³³ -s¿u?⟨ū⟩to • In a footnote, Fleet suggests the emendation putro or sūnur to rectify the metre. I feel that sūto in the sense "born from" works in the context and requires a much less invasive emendation. Moreover, it may be possible to read sūto without emendation. My scanned photo is not clear, but there is a curved stroke above and between su and to that may be the top of an ū, especially if I see correctly that the o on the next character is of the cursive single-stroke form.
³⁷ (l/ḻ)ovabikkiṁ • According to Fleet’s note, the first character is probably lo, but ḻo is also possible. As far as I can see in the poor scanned photo, ḻe or ṟe also appear possible.
³⁸ (gha)ṭita- • Fleet prints gha as clear, but this character is indistinct in the photo and is much narrower than I would expect gha to be (compare gha a few characters further on), as well as crowded very close to the adjacent characters on both sides. If the reading gha is correct (and I believe Fleet), then it is probably a correction from something narrower, possibly kha.
³⁹ sa¡t-ś!⟨c-ch⟩araṇam JFF • I provisionally accept Fleet’s reading and agree with his normalisation provided that the reading is correct. Fleet points out another instance of t-ś sandhi (ll59-60), which may serve as corroboration that the same thing has happened here. However, that instance (in line 39) involves a final T followed by ś, not a ligature tś. At any rate, as far as I can make it out in my photo, the primary consonant here does not seem to be t. I wonder if the correct reading is in fact san śaraṇam, though I must admit that the primary consonant is not much like n either. Syntactically, my intuition would prefer the slightly more meaningful san, especially in conjunction with evam in line 41 below. It must, however, be admitted that metre-filling words like sat and su are used on several occasions in cognate grants, including su in the next quarter of this stanza.
⁴⁰ svaṁ ◇ svañ JFF • I am hesitant to contradict Fleet on the basis of a poorly scanned photo, but his reading does not seem possible. — ⁴⁰ janaugha(M) • Though Fleet prints it as clear, the last character does not look like M to me. It is also not a very good candidate for N, but perhaps the correct reading is °aughān (or °aughan, em. °aughān).
⁴¹ eva(ṁ) ◇ eva JFF • I find that evam is slightly better in the context than eva, and from the scanned photo an anusvāra definitely seems possible. If Fleet is correct in not seeing one, I would still prefer to supply it.
⁴⁶ -kuṁ◯bha- • I believe Fleet that this anusvāra was visible to him, but it is not in the scanned photo, so I cannot tell whether it is before or after the binding hole.
⁴⁹ -brahmaṇya¡-m! attilināṇḍu- • As Fleet points out, Attili is the name of a town down to our days, so it is quite certain that we have non-standard sandhi with m here, rather than the name Mattili in -brahmaṇy¡a!⟨o⟩ mattilināṇḍu-
⁵⁰ Aḍḍakali- JFF • Here too I accept Fleet’s reading because of the poor quality of my scan. But the last character of the name looks like pi to me. Compare li in l49, attilināṇḍu and pi in l47, ropitāni. However, some other characters that Fleet reads as la do appear similar, e.g. in l66 Iṟṟulakoḻu. If the gaccha name Aḍḍakali is attested elsewhere (of which I have no knowledge), then Fleet’s reading is probably correct; otherwise, it may need to be corrected into Aḍḍakapi, pending the examination of a good photo.
⁵³ gaṇikā ◇ gaṇikā- JFF • See also the note to the translation. — ^53–54 cāmekā/ṁbā° • The e in this name must be pronounced short for the metre to be correct. See also line 59.
⁵⁶ -śrī⟨ḥ⟩ • Fleet chooses not to supply this visarga on the grounds that an optional grammatical rule widely followed in South India permits the omission of visarga when followed by a sibilant and a consonant. Given the number of omitted visargas in the inscription, I do not think this one should be treated as in any way special; all such omissions may be perceived equally as mistakes or as regional usage. It is also possible to construe this śrī in compound to the following word, though construing it as a nominative is smoother.
⁵⁹ cāmekāṁbā • The e in this name must be pronounced short for the metre to be correct. See also line 53.
⁶⁴ yiḍiyūru| • Fleet prints an original punctuation mark here, but I see no trace of one, and ru is at the edge of the plate. Since there are no punctuation marks elsewhere within the list, I suspect there is no mark here.
⁶⁵ (yu)◯llikodamaṇḍru • Fleet prints this name as clear, but in the photo, yu is wholly obscured by damage at the edge of the hole, and what he reads as ko seems to have a have a subscript y or ḍ.
⁷⁰ ⟨jāya⟩te JFF • I am not certain whether Fleet’s markup was intended to mean the restoration of an omission, or of lost/illegible text. He does say in his discussion that the edges of 5v are damaged.
⁷² -varjjita¡ḥ! • Fleet emends to -varjjitam and attempts to interpret this sentence as if it had (almost) correct grammar. I think the grammar is more likely to be completely off; see the note to the translation.
⁷³ ¿śāsanassāśyukr̥t?⟨śāsanasyāsya kāvya-kr̥t⟩ JFF • Although the text is badly garbled, the intent of the composer could hardly have been anything other than Fleet’s proposed restoration.
⁷⁴ raṭṭ(e?)ḍlu- ◇ r¿a?⟨o⟩ṭṭeḍlu- JFF • The reading (or emendation, if not corroborated by the plate) has been proposed by Jens Thomas (personal communication, January 2022). — ⁷⁴ panu[?1×]ṇḍa • Fleet’s footnote to this locus suggests the intent may have been panneṇḍu. — ⁷⁴ n(e/i) • Fleet notes that ne may have been corrected to ni, or the other way round; and moreover, the character may be a mistake for the figure 9.

Translation by Dániel Balogh

Seal

Plates

^1-6Greetings. Satyāśraya Vallabhendra (Pulakeśin II) was eager to adorn the lineage of the majestic Calukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hārītī, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed (to kingship) by Lord Mahāsena, to whom enemy territories instantaneously submit at the [mere] sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions (avabhr̥tha) of the Aśvamedha sacrifice. His brother—

Kubja Viṣṇu(vardhana), the [dynasty’s] first lord of royal majesty (śrī), seized by means of his valour the earth from the powerful Durjaya, [just as] {the grotesque Viṣṇu (Vāmana), the primeval husband of Śrī, seized by means of his stride the earth from Bali, who was hard to overcome}, and protected (pāl-) it for eighteen years.

^8-15His son Jayasiṁha (I), for thirty-three. His younger brother Indrarāja’s (Indra Bhaṭṭāraka’s) son Viṣṇuvardhana (II), for nine. His son Maṅgi Yuvarāja, for twenty-five. His son Jayasiṁha (II), for thirteen. His younger brother by a different mother, Kokkili, for six months. After dethroning him, his eldest brother Viṣṇuvardhana (III), for thirty-seven. His son Vijayāditya (I) Bhaṭṭāraka, for eighteen. His son Viṣṇuvardhana (IV), for thirty-six. His son Vijayāditya (II) Narendramr̥garāja, for eight and forty. His son Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana (V), for a year and a half. His son Guṇaga Vijayāditya (III), for forty-four. In other words,

II.

His (Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana’s) eldest son, that Lord Guṇaga Vijayāditya, the ¿champion? to whose arms the Vallabha king personally paid homage, and who was moreover the foremost of heroes and the turban jewel of good soldiers, enjoyed (bhuj-) the earth for four years and forty.

III.

The son of his brother the heir-apparent (yuvarāja) Prince (bhūpati) Vikramāditya resembled the Maid’s Son (Karṇa) in generosity and in being a terror to his enemies.

IV.

He, King (bhūpati) Bhīma (I), enjoyed (bhuj-) the earth lawfully for thirty years, vanquishing in battle the great army of Kr̥ṣṇa-vallabha along with his (Bhīma I’s) rival kinsmen, incessantly donating wealth for the purpose of moral duty (dharma) [like] a [veritable] son of gods, sages and Brahmins, and rendering the kingdom free from disruptions (kaṇṭaka), unsurpassed, thriving and full of rich subjects.

After him, his beloved son the great Vijayāditya (IV), a donor of great wealth {surpassing Kubera}, imbued with truthfulness, generosity and energy, who split the hearts of enemies by his mere name—King (bhūpati) Kollabigaṇḍa—ruled the kingdom for six months with prudence (naya) and stability.

VI.

His firstborn son, Ammarāja (I) of indomitable power who dominated a series of kings of foreign lands, a conduit of the essence of compassion (karuṇā-rasa), became king for seven years by the renowned name Rājamahendra.

^27-32After dethroning his son the child Vijayāditya (V), His Highness Yuddhamalla’s son King (rājan) Tālapa, protected (rakṣ-) [the earth] for one month. After defeating him in battle, having cast him off in assault by his valour, Cālukya-Bhīma’s son Vikramāditya (II), protected (pāl-) [the earth] for nine months.^↓5 Then, King (rājan) Tālapa’s firstborn son^↓6 Yuddhamalla, seized [the throne] and remained [king] for seven years.

VII.

Meanwhile—born of the renowned Kollabigaṇḍa (Vijayāditya IV) and brother by a different mother to the one who bore the famed name Rājamahendra (Amma I)—King (adhipa) Bhīma (II) who surpassed the strength and ferocity of Bhīma rose up to conquer, rendering the eastern quarter spotless.

VIII.

All alone, he struck down the majestic Rājamayya, the very excellent Dhaḻaga, the fell Tātabikki, Bijja girt for battle, the excessively strong Ayyapa, fearsome and vicious, the great army dispatched by King Govinda, Lovabikki the lord of the Coḻas, and the valorous Yuddhamalla, though they had assembled their elephant troops.

IX.

Comforting the fearful, succouring those seeking his gallant shelter, demolishing disruptions (kaṇṭaka), honourably extracting tribute from other countries, earning the affection of the hosts of his own subjects, propagating his reputation, overcoming a multitude of kings, obtaining a hoard of wealth—so did he, His Majesty King (rājan) Bhīma (II), protect (rakṣ-) the entire world for twelve years.

To him (Bhīma II) who was [like] Maheśvara in form, a [son] who was the equal of Kumāra—widely known as Ammarāja—was born from none other than (his queen) Lokamahādevī, who was like Umā in appearance.

XI.

Surmounting the Mind-Born (Kāma) in physical beauty, the great Indra in opulence, the sun in widespread splendour and Hara (Śiva) in the burning of enemy fortresses, he shines with a reputation that is known to be spotless.

XII.

The pearls fallen out of the forehead lobes of his enemies’ raging elephants split by the sword [wielded] by the bars of his arms in battle look like planted seeds of the creeper of [his] fame, watered by the blood of great warriors.

^47-50That shelter of the entire universe (samasta-bhuvanāśraya), His Majesty Vijayāditya (Amma II) the supremely pious Supreme Lord (parameśvara) of Emperors (mahārājādhirāja) and Supreme Sovereign (parama-bhaṭṭāraka), convokes the householders (kuṭumbin)—including foremost the territorial overseers (rāṣṭrakūṭa)—who reside in Attilināṇḍu district (viṣaya) and commands them as follows:

XIII.

The [sect] named the Aḍḍakali gaccha, with a renowned fame recognised in the Valahāri gaṇa, has as its heart’s desire the provision of excellent food to ascetics (śramaṇa) of all four varṇas.

XIV.

There arose in this world the courtesan Cāmekāmbā, a forehead mark on the Paṭṭavardhika lineage which belongs to the retinue of the majestic royal Calukya dynasty, brilliant like the sun to the day-lotuses that are people’s faces.

XV.

Being a lay follower (of Jainism) who delights in the words of the wise and is endowed with generosity, compassion and virtue, she of lovely beauty was eager to attain fame equal in brightness to a moon that causes the swelling [tide] of the water that is the religion (dharma) of the Jina.

^56-57Her preceptorial lineage is recited [as follows]:

XVI.

The sage Sakalacandrasiddhānta of clearly apparent virtue, who has perceived the depths of doctrine (siddhānta). His disciple the meritorious Master Ayyapoṭi of immeasurable fame and keen intellect, an Indra among sages.

XVII.

To his disciple, the excellent sage known as Arhanandi, Cāmekāmbā, being pleased [with him], publicly caused to be donated the wealthy and attractive good village Kalucuṁbaṟṟu with great devotion for the purpose of the famous charity hall (satra) of the holy Jaina temple of Sarvalokāśraya while the ruler of the earth was Ammarāja, the Lord of Veṅgī, whereby she acquired a reputation propagated by wise people.

^62-63It has been donated on the occasion of the winter solstice for the purpose of the renovation of what is broken and cracked (khaṇḍa-sphuṭita), with a remission of all taxes, substantiated as a (copperplate) charter.

^63-68Its boundaries [are as follows]. To the east, Āruvilli. To the south, Korukolanu. To the west, Yiḍiyūru. To the north, Yullikodamaṇḍru. The boundaries of its fields [are as follows]. To the east, Śarkarakuṟṟu. To the south, Iṟṟulakoḻu. To the west, the verge of the fields of Iḍiyūru. To the north, Kaṁcariguṇḍu.^↓12 Let no-one pose an obstacle (to the enjoyment of rights) over it. He who does so shall be conjoined with the five great sins.

XVIII.

Many (kings) have granted land, and many have preserved it (as formerly granted). Whosoever at any time owns the land, the fruit {reward (accrued of granting it)} belongs to him at that time.

XIX.

He who would seize land, whether given by himself or by another, shall be born as a worm in faeces for sixty thousand years.

^70-72The headmanship (grāmakūṭatva) of this village has been granted in perpetuity to Kusumāyudha, the son of Kaṭṭalāmbā.^↓13 ¿For this village there is an exemption from the tax called kappa?.^↓14

XX.

The executor (ājñapti) is the castellan (kaṭakādhīśa), and Bhaṭṭadeva is the writer (lekhaka). The poet Kavicakravartin is ¿the composer of the poetry in this charter?.

^73-74The Master (bhaṭāra) Arahanandi graciously offered to Bhaṭṭadēva, who made the inscription concerning Pedda-Kalucuvubaṟṟu, ¿[land sowable with] grain (vittu) [amounting to] nine puṭṭis of twelve tūmus [each], from the overseers (raṭṭoḍi) and farmers (kāṁpulu) of Guṁsimi?.^↓16

Translation into French by Estienne-Monod 2008

Seal

Plates

^1-6Prospérité ! Le frère de Satyāśraya Vallabhendra, qui orne la dynastie des Cālukya, illustres, du même gotra que les descendants de Manu, loués dans l’univers entier, fils de Hārīti, ayant reçu leur royaume par l’excellente faveur de Kauśikī, protégés par les Mères réunies, méditant aux pieds du seigneur Mahāsena, eux dont les cercles des ennemis ont été soumis en un instant à la vue du signe de l’excellent sanglier, faveur octroyée par le bienheureux Nārāyaṇa, eux dont les corps ont été purifiés grâce aux bains consécutifs au sacrifice du cheval,

Prise à l’invincible Bali, l’époux de la Fortune, grâce à son héroïsme, le roi victorieux Kubja Viṣṇu protégea la terre pendant dix huit années.

^8/15Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant trente-trois ans ; Le fils d’Indrarāja, frère cadet de ce dernier, Viṣṇuvardhana, pendant neuf ans ; Le fils de celui-ci, Maṁgi, le prince héritier, pendant vingt-cinq ans ; Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant treize ans ; Le frère cadet de ce dernier, né d’une autre mère, Kokkili, pendant six mois ; Son frère aîné Viṣṇuvardhana, après l’avoir chassé, pendant trente-sept ans ; Le fils de celui-ci, Vijayāditya, l’illustre seigneur, pendant dix-huit ans ; Son fils Viṣṇuvardhana pendant trente-six ans ; Vijayāditya Narendra Mr̥garāja, pendant quarante-huit ans ; Son fils Kali Viṣṇuvardhana pendant un an et demi ; Le fils de ce dernier, Guṇaga Vijayāditya, pendant quarante-quatre ans ; ou aussi,

II.

Son fils aîné, le seigneur Guṇaga Vijayāditya, réel champion, dont le bras fut révéré par le roi Vallabha, qui, bien qu’il fût le chef des héros, fut le meilleur des valeureux guerriers, a cependant gouverné la terre pendant quarante-quatre ans.

III.

Le fils du prince héritier, frère de ce dernier, le seigneur Vikramāditya, qui terrifiait les ennemis, généreux, fut pareil à Kānīna.

IV.

Il vainquit au combat la grande armée de Krṣṇa-Vallabha de concert avec ses héritiers, donnant de façon répétée, il fut un fils pour les dieux, les ascètes et les brahmanes, sa richesse était au service du dharma, il dépouilla son royaume des ennemis et le rendit incomparable, royaume dont les sujets étaient riches et prospères, lui, le seigneur Bhīma régna sur l’univers dans la justice pendant trente ans.

Après lui, Vijayāditya, son fils bien aimé, grand, supérieur à Dhanada, pourvu de sincérité, de générosité et de splendeur, qui brisa les cœurs des ennemis, qui était aussi appelé « roi Kollabhigaṇḍa », il exerça la royauté, fidèle aux règles de l’art de gouverner, pendant six mois.

VI.

Le fils aîné de ce dernier, dont la puissance était invaincue, le seigneur Amma, qui avait vaincu les rangées de rois ennemis, fut roi pendant sept ans ; lui dont le nom célèbre était Rājamahendra, était la voie du sentiment de compassion.

^27-32Après avoir chassé Vijayāditya, le fils de ce dernier, alors qu’il était enfant, le fils de l’illustre Yuddhamalla, le roi Tālapa règna un mois. L’ayant entièrement vaincu au combat, le fils de Cālukya-Bhīma, Vikramāditya, l’ayant, par sa vaillance, renversé lors d’un assaut, protégea la terre pendant neuf mois.^↓21 Puis le fils aîné de Tālapa, Yuddhamalla, après avoir pris le royaume, gouverna pendant sept ans.

VII.

Sur ces entrefaites, le fils du célèbre Kollabhigaṇḍa, frère, né d’une autre mère, [fils] de celui dont le nom loué était Rājamahendra, le seigneur Bhīma, dont la force et la splendeur l’emportent sur celle de Bhīma, s’éleva pour conquérir, en la purifiant, la région orientale.

VIII.

A lui seul il détruisit l’illustre Rājamayya, le très grand Dhaḻaga, l’impéteux Tātabikki, Bijja belliqueux, le très puissant Ayyapa, l’armée terrifiante et très puissante envoyée par le roi Govinda, seigneur des Coḻa, Lovabikki, le puissant Yuddhamalla, qui possédait une masse énorme d’éléphants.

IX.

Réconfortant les hommes effrayés, protégeant ceux qui vont chercher refuge en lui, détruisant les ennemis, prélevant à juste titre un impôt sur la terre étrangère, procurant la joie de la foule de son propre peuple, répandant sa renommée, chassant les rois et les forçant à s’incliner devant lui, se procurant même une multitude de biens, l’illustre Bhīma a gouverné le monde entier pendant douze ans.

De ce dernier, manifestation de Maheśvara, et de Lokamahādevī, dont l’aspect était semblable à celui d’Umā, pareil à Kumāra, naquit le nommé Ammarāja.

XI.

Humiliant par sa beauté Manoja, par sa puissance le grand Indra, le soleil par son vaste éclat, Et Hara par le fait de brûler les forteresses ennemies, il resplendit, lui qui possède une gloire célèbre et immaculée.

XII.

Les perles qui s’écoulent, dans le combat, des tempes des éléphants en rut des ennemis, brisés par l’épée qu’est son bras puissant, resplendissent, comme si elles étaient les semences de sa gloire qui se répandait, poussant, aspergées par le sang des valeureux guerriers.

^47-50Refuge de l’univers entier, l’illustre Vijayāditya, souverain suprême des grands rois, premier seigneur, illustre seigneur, très pieux, ayant convoqué tous les chefs de familles de la circonscription de Attilināṇḍu, les rāṣṭrakūṭa en tête, ordonne ceci :

XIII.

il y a une école du nom de Aḍḍakali-Gaccha, dont la renommée est connue et célébrée par l’ordre des Valahāri, dont l’esprit aspire à offrir de la nourriture aux excellents moines mendiants des quatre varṇa.

XIV.

Joyau du lignage des Paṭṭavardhika, entourée par le lignage des illustres rois Cālukya, pourvue de l’éclat du soleil sur les lotus que sont les visages des courtisanes, là en effet naquit Cāmekāṁbā.

XV.

Mue par la recherche de la renommée, telle la lune radieuse qui fait croître les eaux de la religion des jaïns douée de générosité, de compassion et de vertu, charmante et resplendissante, elle est une disciple qui aime écouter les sages.

^56-57[Tel] est décrit la lignée des maîtres de celle-ci :

XVI.

celui qui connaît parfaitement les Siddhānta, l’ascète Sakalacandrasiddhānta, dont les vertus sont manifestes, son disciple doué de vertus, puissant, dont la renommée est sans mesure, très intelligent, est le prince des ascètes, Ayyapoṭi.

XVII.

A ce disciple, excellent ascète marqué par le nom d’Arhanandin, Cāmekāṁbā, en signe de dévotion, illustre, sous le règne d’Ammarāja, grand roi de Veṅgī, en vue du sattra du renommé et illustre temple jaïn « Refuge de l’Univers Entier », [roi qui] a fait donner, avec satisfaction, le beau village de Kalucuṁbaṟṟu, que celui-là désirait, [qui] a acquis là une renommée louée par la foule des sages,

^62-63ceci a été donné à l’occasion du solstice d’hiver, en vue de la rénovation des parties endommagées du temple, exempté de toute taxe, comme le prescrit cet édit.

^63-68Les limites de celui-ci sont : à l’est Āruvilli, au sud Korukolanu, à l’ouest Yiḍiyūru, au nord Yullikodamaṇḍru. Les limites de ce terrain sont : à l’est Śarkarakuṟṟu, au sud Iṟṟulakolu, à l’ouest le pépier d’Idiyūru, au nord Kaṁcariguṇḍu. Aucune charge ne doit lui être imposée, celui qui en impose est lié aux cinq grands crimes.

XVIII.

Beaucoup ont donné une terre, beaucoup l’ont protégée, celui qui possède la terre en possède le fruit.

XIX.

Qu’elle soit donnée par lui ou par un autre, celui qui prend une terre renaît ver de terre dans les excréments pendant soixante mille ans ».

^70-72La charge de grāmakūṭa de ce village est confiée à perpétuité à Kusumāyudha, fils de Kaṭṭalāṁbā.

XX.

L’exécuteur est le kaṭakadīśa et l’auteur est Bhaṭṭadeva ; les parties versifiées de l’édit sont de Kavicakravartin.

^73-74^↓25A Bhaṭṭadeva qui a écrit l’édit au sujet de Pedda-Kalucuvubaṟṟu, le vénérable Arahanandin^↓26 a donné en présent un terrain rapportant neuf puṭṭis de douze tumus chacun, qu’il a reçus des cultivateurs, qui possèdent deux terrains, à Guṁsimi.

Commentary

In the seal text, as Fleet describes it, (śa) is ‘behind the boar’ and the (visarga) is ‘in front of the boar’, while the rest of the legend is in one line above the boar.

In verse 2, note the enjambement with the ugly break in the middle of the word aṁ/kakāras and the near-as-ugly break ut/sannān in verse 9. In verse 6 we have not only an enjambement from the first quarter to the second, but also a short syllable at the end of the first, which is permitted, but quite rare in practice. The second hemistich of stanza 20 is a ra-vipulā as far as the cadence is concerned, but its preamble does not match patterns permitted in that variation. Given that the last quarter is completely garbled, there may be scribal error in the third quarter as well.

Bibliography

Edited from the original by J. F. Fleet (1902-1903), with a translation and with partial photographs, probably of plaster casts rather than the actual plates.^↓27 The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of Fleet’s edition with his published photographs.^↓28

Primary

Fleet, John Faithfull. 1902–1903. “Kaluchumbarru Grant of Vijayaditya-Amma II.” EI 7: 177–92.

[siglum JFF]

Secondary

Fleet, John Faithfull. 1883. “Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions: No. CXXXIII.” IA 12: 247–55.

249.

Fleet, John Faithfull. 1891. “The Chronology of the Eastern Chalukya Kings.” IA 20: 1–15, 93–104, 266–85.

Page 270, № U.

Gaur, Albertine. 1975. Indian Charters on Copper Plates in the Department of Oriental Manuscripts and Printed Books. London: British Museum Publications.

Page 15, № Ind. Ch. 24.

Notes

↑1. Either, neither or both of the words balin and durjaya may be names here. Compare line 8 of the Kākamrāṇu grant of Bhīma I, where it is claimed that Viṣṇuvardhana uprooted a Durjaya (if this is a name) to obtain the country of Veṅgī. The slightly different parallel stanza in the Kaṇḍyam plates of Dānārṇava is likewise ambiguous.
↑2. I.e. a Rāṣṭrakūṭa king; according to Fleet, this would have been Amoghavarṣa I or Kr̥ṣṇa II.
↑3. The Rāṣṭrakūṭa Kr̥ṣṇa II.
↑4. I translate the text as read by Fleet, but I have doubts about his reading; see the apparatus to line 20. With my tentative suggestion, the latter part of this statement would become “to a host of gods, sages and Brahmins”—much smoother in the context.
↑5. The clause “having cast him off in assault by his valour,” vikrameṇākrame nikṣipya, is redundant and is moreover quite awkward. I suspect the text is garbled here. The first three and last three words of the sentence could be the beginning and end of an anuṣṭubh stanza, but the part in between can in no way be fitted to the metre. The verb ni-kṣip may imply imprisonment rather than casting off, and the redundant clause is somewhat reminiscent of tam ākramya kārāgāre nidhāya in line 16 of the Guṇḍugolanu grant, where it is said that Tālapa imprisoned Vijayāditya V after dethroning him.
↑6. As emended by Fleet; see the apparatus to line 32.
↑7. See Fleet (1902-1903: 181–182) for thoughts on the identity of these adversaries. Some of the qualifications may belong to an adjacent person instead of the one to whom they apply in my translation. Since the descriptions are all vague, this is of little import, except that bhīmam ugram at the end of that quarter may in fact mean “the vicious Bhīma,” another enemy, rather than further qualification of Ayyapa. I follow Fleet in my translation, but in fact it would be most natural to read exactly one qualification with each name, in which case Bhīma must be a proper noun.
↑8. Or, if my conjecture mentioned in the apparatus to line 39 is correct, simply “seeking his shelter.”
↑9. Fleet reads the word gaṇikā in compound to the following jana and translates, “a sun to the water-lilies (blooming in the daytime) which are the faces of courtesans.” He too understands the text to mean that Cāmekāmbā was herself a courtesan, so I am not sure of the reason for his parsing choice, which makes the text not very intelligible.
↑10. Here too I follow Fleet in understanding Sakalacandrasiddhānta as a name. Instead, with some awkwardness in the compound, the name may be only Candrasiddhānta, and the meaning “Candrasiddhānta in whom the entirety of virtues is clearly apparent.”
↑11. The whole of this stanza is rather poorly composed. While its essence is definitely in agreement with my translation here, some details may have ben conceived differently in the mind of its composer. In particular, the relative pronoun yatra, which I along with Fleet translate as “whereby,” is problematic. In addition, some of the words may have been intended in a different meaning and/or as a different part of the sentence. These include śrīmat, which I translate as “rich” qualifying the village, while Fleet seems to take it in compound with the following words, translating “holy and famous” (?); uccair, which I understand to mean “publicly,” while Fleet may have construed it together with santuṣṭā, translating “with great pleasure”; and iṣṭaṁ, which I translate “attractive” while Fleet takes it to mean “wished for by him”.
↑12. Fleet, who consulted Hultzsch on the Telugu words, notes that Śarkarakuṟṟu may be the name of a village, as Telugu kuṟṟu means a small hamlet and is a frequent ending in village names. He translates pola-garusu as „waste land,” but according to Jens Thomas (personal communication, November 2021), garusu means “border” in early Telugu. Fleet’s translation speaks of ‘the rock(?) called Kañcariguṇḍu,’ but he gives no explanation of this name.
↑13. Fleet makes no comment on this, but given that the donor is probably herself a courtesan, it seems likely that this man is the son of a courtesan. His name is the name of the god Kāma, and his descent is indicated by his mother’s, rather than his father’s, name.
↑14. Fleet’s translation of this sentence goes, ‘That, belonging to this village, which is named kappa, is exempt from taxes’. To this he adds a note saying that kappa seems to be a Kannaḍa word meaning “tribute,” but ‘the exact bearing of the passage is not apparent’. Intuitively, I believe the intent of the composer was what I translate here. Although there is no way for the sentence to mean this through proper Sanskrit syntax, I believe this clause was added by a clerk whose grasp of Sanskrit was poor.
↑15. The end of this stanza is based on the restoration suggested by Fleet.
↑16. I translate the Telugu paragraph tentatively with the aid of Jens Thomas (personal communication, January 2022). A tūmu is a measure of quantity much smaller than a puṭṭi. The paragraph may, instead, refer to a gift of grain (not land), amounting to nine puṭṭis and twelve tūmus. Fleet’s translation, provided for him by Hultzsch, says ‘To Bhaṭṭadeva, who has drawn up the charter concerning Pedda-Kalacuvubaṟṟu, the venerable Arahanandi has given, as a present, land requiring as seed ¿9? puṭṭis of twelve tūmus (each), (which he received) from the cultivators, (possessing) two bullocks, ¿at Guṁsimi?’.
↑17. Mot à mot : joyau frontal des valeureux guerriers.
↑18. Karṇa.
↑19. ou Kriṣṇa et Vallabha.
↑20. Kubera.
↑21. Les autres inscriptions indiquent que ce roi a régné 12 ou 11 mois.
↑22. Bhīma est le frère d’Amma I.
↑23. Le terme gaṇa désigne un ordre monastique, qui est une subdivision du saṅgha. Le gaccha est lui-même une subdivision du gaṇa.
↑24. Il ne s’agit sans doute pas du temple évoqué dans les plaques de Tāṇḍikoṇḍa, car celui-là était entretenu par les Kālamukha, secte śivaïte.
↑25. Ce passage est en telugu, il a été traduit par Hulzsch pour Fleet. Nous reprenons l’édition anglaise de Fleet afin de fournir une traduction complète de ces plaques. Les points d’interrogation marquent les problèmes non résolus par Hultzsch.
↑26. Peut-être orthographe telugu, dans la partie sanskrite le nom s’écrit arhandin (vers 17).
↑27. The 1981 reprint of Epigraphia Indica only includes photos of pages 1v, 3v, 4r and 5r.
↑28. For pages of which I have no photo, I follow Fleet absolutely unless otherwise noted and do not show spaces for the binding hole. Even where available, the scanned photos are very hard to read in many places, so in these I generally accept Fleet’s indication of what is unclear and what is clear, and only add my own unclear markup where the photo is completely illegible. If new photos of Ind. Ch. 24 can be obtained from the BL, then collation will be very advantageous.