Ākulamannaṇḍu grant of Bhīma II

Metadata

Current Version:  draft, 2025-01-15Z

Editor:   Dániel Balogh.

DHARMA Identifier: INSVengiCalukya00034

Hand Description:

Halantas. Final N is a raised and reduced na shape with a sinuous tail like a repha, e.g. l9 māsāN, l15 mAsAn. Final M is a small raised circle with a sinuous stroke at the top right, e.g. l7 triṁśataM (which may also have a curved left arm in addition to the top stroke), l8 viṁśatiM etc. Final T is the shape and size of a regular ta, but with a repha-like sinuous vertical stroke instead of a headmark (identical to ta according to Kielhorn, but this is inaccurate), e.g. l7 layaT; l17 apalayaT.

Original punctuation marks are straight verticals with a small hook or a wedge-like headmark at the top.

Other palaeographic observations. Anusvāra is normally at headline height to the right of the character to which it belongs. It can also occur above the next character, as in l17 meḻāṁbā. The Ārumbāka grant of Bādapa likewise puts anusvāra on top of the next character in (vernacular?) names ending in āṁbā, but not in other circumstances. As Kielhorn points out, the vowel marker for o is sometimes cursive, very similar to and not clearly distinguishable from that for au. The non-cursive o of two separate strokes also occurs. Cursive o-s are marked in the text by an XML comment but not otherwise indicated in the edition. They probably differ from au in having a slightly shorter tail, compare kau in l2 and ko in l8. Initial I in l22 Ittham looks strange to me; Kielhorn calls it a "later form" .

Additional Metadata

No metadata were provided in the table for this inscription

Edition

Seal

1śrī-tribhuvanāṁkuśa

Plates

⎘ plate 1v 1floretQuatrefoil svasti[.] śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁstūyamāna-mānavya-sagotrā(ṇ)āṁ hārī-
2ti-putrāṇāṁ kauśi(k)ī-vara-prasāda-labdha-rājyānāṁ mātr̥⟨ga⟩ṇa-paripālitānāṁ sv(ā)-
3mi-mahāsena-pādānudhyātānāṁ bha{va}gavan-nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samā(sā)dita-vara-
4-varāh¿ā?⟨a⟩-lā◯ṁ¿c?⟨ch⟩anekṣaṇa-kṣaṇa-vaśīkr̥tārāti-maṇḍalānām a(śvamedh)āva-
5bhr̥tha-snāna◯-¡pavitrita!-vapuṣāṁ cālukyānāṁ kulam ala(ṁkari)ṣṇos sa-
6tyāśraya-vallabhendrasya bhrātā kubja-viṣṇuvarddhano [’]ṣṭādaśa varṣ(ā)ṇi (veṁgī-maṇḍa)lam a(nvapā)-
7layaT| tad-ātmajo jayasiṁhas trayastriṁśataM| tad-anujendra[rāja]-nandano viṣṇu⟨varddha⟩no
8nava| tat-sūnu⟨r⟩ mmaṁgi-yuvarājaḥ pañcaviṁśatiM| tat-(pu)tr(o ja)[ya](siṁ)has trayastri(ṁ)-
⎘ plate 2r 9śata(M)| tat-sutaḥ ko kkili⟨ḥ⟩ ṣaṇ māsāN| tasya jyeṣṭho bhrātā vi(ṣṇu)[va]r[ddha]nas tam uccā-
10ṭya saptatriṁśataM| tat-putro vijayāditya-bhaṭṭ(ā)rakaḥ aṣṭādaśa| tat-putro vi-
11ṣṇuvarddhanaṣ ¿v?⟨ṣ⟩aṭtriṁśataM| tat-s¿ū?⟨u⟩taḥ vijayāditya-narendr¿e?⟨a⟩-mr̥ga(rā)jas sāṣṭ¿ā?⟨a⟩ca-
12tvāriṁśataM⟨|⟩ ◯ tat-putraḥ kali-viṣṇuvarddhano [’]ddhyarddha-varṣa(M)| ta(t-s)utaḥ guṇa-
13ka-vijayā◯ditya-mahārājaś catuścatvāriṁśa(taM)| tad-anuja-yu-
14varāja-vikramāditya-bhūbhr̥d-ātmajaś cālukya-bhīmas triṁśataM| (tat-putro v)ijayādi-
15tya⟨ḥ⟩ ṣaṇ māsāN| tasy¿a?⟨ā⟩gra-sūnur ¿ā?⟨a⟩mma⟨rā⟩jas sapta va(rṣāṇ)i| tat-suta⟨ṁ⟩ vijayādityaṁ kr̥ta-(kaṇṭh)i-
16kā-paṭṭa-bandhābhiṣekaM| bālam uccāṭya tāḷādhipo māsam ekaM| cā(lukya-bhī)ma-tanayo
⎘ plate 2v 17vikramāditya-rāja Ek¿a?⟨ā⟩daśa m¿a?⟨ā⟩sān bhuvam ap¿a?⟨ā⟩layaT|

I. Anuṣṭubh
meḻāṁbā-vijayāditya-
-nandano 18nandita-prajaḥ
ba⟨d⟩dhvā kramāgataṁ paṭṭaṁ
rakṣaty ācandram urvvarāM|

II. Anuṣṭubh
Utkhātoddha¡tt!a-ripuṇā
pratiro 19pita-bandhunā|
kundendu-dhavalaṁ yena
nītan daśa diśo yaśaḥ

III. Anuṣṭubh
līlā rājñ¿a?⟨ā⟩ṁ virājant¿a?⟨e⟩
yasmin nā20{ta}nyatra rāja◯su
padmākara-gatan tejaḥ
kim asti kumudākar¿a?⟨e⟩|

sa sarvvalokāśra-
21ya-śrī-viṣṇu◯va⟨r⟩ddhana-mahārāj¿a?⟨ā⟩dhirāja-parameśvaraḥ parama-brahmaṇyo m¿a?⟨ā⟩tā-
22-pitr̥-p¿a?⟨ā⟩d¿a?⟨ā⟩nudhy¿a?⟨ā⟩taḥ ◯ gudravāra-viṣaya-nivāsino rāṣṭrakūṭa-pramukhān kuṭu⟨ṁ⟩binaḥ Ittha-
23m ājñ¿a?⟨ā⟩payati|

IV. Anuṣṭubh
vaṁgipaṟṟu-mahāgrāma-
-vāstavyo go tamānvayaḥ
t¿yā?⟨ū⟩⟨r⟩kkiya-kramako nāmnā
tu24rāṣāḍ-vibhavo [’]jani|

V. Anuṣṭubh
tasya tanūjo mādhava-
-somayājī janārddane
bhaktimā¿ne?⟨ñ⟩ jagad-āna25ndī
vibhavair udito ditaiḥ

VI. Anuṣṭubh
śrī-viddamayya-kramako
viprāṇāṁ utsavo dayaḥ
tanayo brahma-va⎘ plate 3r 26(r)cca(svī)
tasyāpy (ata)nu-p(au)ruṣaḥ|

VII. Anuṣṭubh
yad-g¡ri!⟨r̥⟩hā¿(th)iti?⟨tithi⟩-pūj¿a?⟨ā⟩[yāṁ]
(pāda-pra?)(kṣ)ālanāṁbhasā|
27Ajiraṁ ka(r)ddamībhūtaṁ
punāty ā saptamaṁ kulaṁ|

VIII. Anuṣṭubh
yat-putra-p(au)tr(ā) vaṭavo
vāra-go 28ṣṭh(i)ṣu vāgminaḥ
paṁca-vārī⟨ṁ⟩ samāpayya|
saṁpūjyante mahā(janai)ḥ|

IX. Anuṣṭubh
ya(s)ya [ –  ⏑ ]m anuṣṭhā29na(ṁ)
punānaṁ mānavo nayaḥ
Abhyāso hi nirāyāso
vedānā(ṁ) praṇavasya (ca|)

ta(smai) Āku-
30lamannaṇḍu-nā◯ma-grāma-paṣcima-diśi{ḥ} dāmodara-krama(k)(o?)[1×](panna?) [?3×] (kṣe)traṁ
31tat-pautra Evā◯ya(m) iti sa⟨r⟩vva-kara-parihareṇodaka-pūrvvaṁ kr̥tv¿a?⟨o⟩ttarā(yaṇa-nimitte)
32[’]smābhir ddattam iti viditam astu vaḥ|

Asyāvadhayaḥ[.] pūrvvataḥ pedda-koḍu| dakṣi(ṇataḥ) (ko?)-
33ḍu| paścimataḥ kraṁkaṭavvā-sīmā| Uttaratas ¡sa Eva!⟨saiva⟩| Asyopari na kenacid bādhā karttavyā|

X. Anuṣṭubh
ba34hubhi⟨r⟩ vvasudhā dattā
bahubhiś cānupālitā
yasya yasya yadā bhūmis
tasya tasya tadā phala(M|)

XI. Anuṣṭubh
sva35-dattāṁ para-dattāṁ (vā)
yo har¿a?⟨e⟩t{s}a vasundharāM
ṣaṣṭiṁ varṣa-sahasrāṇi
viṣ¿ṭ?⟨ṭh⟩āyāṁ j¿a?⟨ā⟩yate (kr̥)miḥ|

Apparatus

Seal

Plates

3 bha{va}gavan-nā° • These characters are spaced closely together. There may have been some sort of correction here (perhaps from bhavagannā by partially overwriting the first inscribed characters), but this is not evident from the estampage.
8–9 trayastri(ṁ)/śata(M) • Kielhorn reads an anusvāra at the end, but this is a circle whereas anusvāras are dots. I am certain that a final M was intended, but the tail was not engraved. As Kielhorn observes, the text should in fact read trayodaśa here.
9 tat-sutaḥ • As Kielhorn observes, this should read tad-avarajaḥ or tad-dvaimāturānujaḥ
11 °varddhanaṣ ¿v?⟨ṣ⟩aṭ° • The same sandhi occurs in lines 11 and 13 of the Diggubaṟṟu grant of Bhīma II. It is also possible that the intent was varddhanaḥ, and the v is superfluous; compare tya⟨ḥ⟩ ṣaṇ° in line 15.
16 tāḷādhipo ◇ tāhādhipo FK • Just as in the Diggubaṟṟu grant where Fleet reads the name as Tāha (lines 26 and 30), we definitely have ḷ here, distinguished from h in this hand by the fact that the final hook of the latter bends backward underneath the body (see e.g. l13 mahārājaś), while ḷa has a smaller hook that does not bend below the body.
17 meḻāṁbā ◇ meḻā⟨ṁ⟩bā FK • The anusvāra is present, but it is above bā rather than to the left of it. It is clearer in Elliot’s rubbing in the Bibliothèque nationale than in the plate in Epigraphia Indica, but visible there too. See also the palaeographic description.
18 Utkhātoddha¡tt!a-ripuṇā • Kielhorn emends tt to t, which is of course morphologically appropriate. However, the use of tt seems to be a desperate licence of the poet (māṣam api maṣaṁ kuryāt) employed to make the line conform to the na vipulā pattern, where the fourth syllable must always be long. Thus, emending the language would result in incorrect prosody. Why the composer did not choose to save the metre by choosing a synonym instead of uddhata (e.g. utkhāta-dr̥pta-ripuṇā) remains a mystery.
22 ◯ gudravāra- • This line is below the binding hole, and other pages in this set always have two lines affected by the hole, while on this page this is the third affected line. The space is about two characters wide, as opposed to 4 to 5 character widths in the spaces that actually include the hole. The preceding taḥ is in fact below the hole, and I see no reason why gu or even gudra could not have been inscribed without skipping this space. It is thus possible that the space was not left blank because of the hole, but was a vacat in which the name of the viṣaya was filled subsequently, but this did not require all the space that had been left blank. There is, however, nothing visible in the scribal hand or the execution style to suggest that gudravāra was not engraved along with the rest of the text.
23 gotamānvayaḥ ◇ g(au)tamānvayaḥ FK • The vowel mark is clear but ambiguous; it could have been intended for au as Kielhorn reads it, but it looks identical to o nearby (e.g. in kramako and vibhavo), and its tail is much shorter than that of kauśikī in line 2. — 23 t¿yā?⟨ū⟩⟨r⟩kkiya- ◇ tyākkiya- FK • The reading is unambiguous, but I believe yā must be a scribal mistake for the similar-looking ū. Two Brahmins named Tūrkkiya (and Tūrkkaya) are mentioned in the Vandram plates of Amma II; a Turkaśarmman in the Eḍeru plates of Vijayāditya I, the Masulipatam plates of Vijayāditya III and in the Sātalūru plates of Vijayāditya III; and a Tūrkama(bhaṭṭa) in the Kākamrāṇu grant of Bhīma I and the Diggubaṟṟu grant of Bhīma II.
24 bhaktimā¿ne?⟨ñ⟩ • The last character is a clear ne, which may be a mistake for N (to be further normalised to ñ in a conjunct to the next character).
26 -pūj¿a?⟨ā⟩[yāṁ] (pāda-pra?)(kṣ)ālanāṁbhasā • The restoration is Kielhorn’s. He suggests it only tentatively in a footnote (printing in his text only a lacuna between pūja and kṣā°, but I find it fully plausible and confirmed by the vestiges visible in Elliot’s rubbing.
28 [ –  ⏑ ]m • Kielhorn explicitly notes that the second character of the lacuna is lost, the plate being corroded through. The vowel of the first appears to be e, though ai or a non-cursive o are also possible. The second may be a conjunct.
30 -grāma- • I wonder if the vowel could instead be e, attached to the bottom left of the body. There is some noise there; a photo may be clearer. — 30 -krama(k)(o?)[1×](panna?) [?3×] • I provisionally adopt Kielhorn’s reading except that he does not indicate a gap between ko and panna. I have some doubts about reading ko, though it is plausible in context. The following character has neither ascenders nor descenders (possibly, pa). Next, pa is quite certain but nna could well be nda or something else. The next character may be na; the one after that may have the vowel e, and the last in the sequence may be va. A photo will probably reveal more.
31 tat-pautra • Here, ta is very narrow; pau has plenty of noise and has an au marker with a hook at headline height rather than a tail descending into the body zone; and the r of tra is quite small and crowds into tpau. This word may well be a correction from something else, perhaps from pota.

Translation by Dániel Balogh

Seal

Plates

1-17Greetings. Satyāśraya Vallabhendra (Pulakeśin II) was eager to adorn the lineage of the majestic Cālukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hārīti, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed (to kingship) by Lord Mahāsena, to whom enemy territories instantaneously submit at the [mere] sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions (avabhr̥tha) of the Aśvamedha sacrifice. His brother Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana protected (pāl-) the country of Veṅgī for eighteen years. His son Jayasiṁha (I), for thirty-three. His younger brother Indrarāja’s (Indra Bhaṭṭāraka’s) son Viṣṇuvardhana (II), for nine. His son Maṅgi Yuvarāja, for twenty-five. His son Jayasiṁha (II), for thirty-three.↓1 His son↓2 Kokkili, for six months. After dethroning him, his eldest brother Viṣṇuvardhana (III), for thirty-seven. His son Vijayāditya (I) Bhaṭṭāraka, for eighteen. His son Viṣṇuvardhana (IV), for thirty-six. His son Vijayāditya (II) Narendramr̥garāja, for eight and forty. His son Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana (V), for a year and a half. His son King (mahārāja) Guṇaka Vijayāditya (III) for forty-four. The son of his younger brother the heir-apparent (yuvarāja) Prince (bhūbhr̥t) Vikramāditya, King (bhūpāla) Cālukya-Bhīma, for thirty. His son Vijayāditya (IV), for six months. His firstborn son Ammarāja (I), for seven years. After dethroning his son the child Vijayāditya (V) who had been consecrated for kingship with the locket (kaṇṭhikā) and turban (paṭṭa-bandha), Tāḷādhipa, for one month. Next, having slain him in battle, Cālukya-Bhīma’s son King (rājan) Vikramāditya (II) protected (pāl-) the earth for eleven months.

I.
The delightful son of Meḻāmbā and Vijayāditya (IV), who delights his subjects, has donned the hereditary turban and protects the earth while the moon [remains].

II.
Eradicating his haughty foes and reinstating his kinsmen, he has propagated his reputation, bright as jasmine or the moon, to the ten quarters.

III.
The kingly extravagances [which] shine in him are not [found] in other kings: is the splendour manifest in a stand of day lotuses there in a stand of night lilies?

20-23That shelter of all the world (sarva-lokāśraya), the supremely pious Supreme Lord (parameśvara) of Emperors (mahārājādhirāja), His Majesty Viṣṇuvardhana (Bhīma II), who was deliberately appointed (as heir) by his mother and father, commands the householders (kuṭumbin)—including foremost the territorial overseers (rāṣṭrakūṭa)—who reside in Gudravāra district (viṣaya) as follows:

IV.
In the lineage of Gotama there arose a [man] as prodigious as Indra (turāṣāh). Named Tūrkkiya the krama reciter, he was a resident of the great village Vaṁgipaṟṟu.

V.
His son, the Soma sacrificer Mādhava, was devoted to Janārdana (Viṣṇu) and delighted everyone by his all-surpassing magnificence.

VI.
His son in turn is the krama reciter Reverend Viddamayya of no mean prowess, rich in Brahmanic splendour and the [veritable] arrival of a feast for priests.

VII.
His courtyard, turned into a morass by water [used] for washing feet in [the course of] the worship of guests in his house, purifies his family up to the seventh [generation].

VIII.
His sons and grandsons, youngsters eloquent in committee assemblies (vāra-goṣṭhi),↓3, are greatly honoured by dignitaries who put them on the committee of five (pañca-vārī).

IX.
His observance [...] is purifying, his guiding principle (naya) is that of Manu,↓4 and the recitation of the Vedas and Om (praṇava) is second nature to him.

29-32Let it be known to you that on the occasion of the winter solstice we have given to him the field [formerly belonging to]↓5 the krama reciter Dāmodara, to the west of the village named Ākulamannaṇḍu, converted into a rent-free holding (↓6) by a remission of all taxes, [the donation being] sanctified by (a libation of) water, on the grounds that he (Viddamayya) is in fact his (Dāmodara’s) (maternal) grandson.

32-33Its boundaries [are as follows]. To the east, the great ¿canal? (koḍu)↓7. To the south, a ¿canal? (koḍu). To the west, the border of (the village) Kraṁkaṭavvā. To the north, the same. Let no-one pose an obstacle (to his enjoyment of his rights) over it.

X.
Many (kings) have granted land, and many have preserved it (as formerly granted). Whosoever at any time owns the land, the fruit {reward (accrued of granting it)} belongs to him at that time.

XI.
He who would seize land, whether given by himself or by another, shall be born as a worm in faeces for sixty thousand years.

Translation into French by Estienne-Monod 2008

Seal

Plates

1-17Prospérité ! Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana, frère de Satyāśraya Vallabhendra, ornement de la lignée des Calukya, illustres, du même gotra que les descendants de Manu, honorés dans l’univers entier, fils de Hāriti, qui obtinrent leur royaume grâce à l’excellente faveur de Kauśikī, protégés par la troupes des Mères, méditant aux pieds du seigneur Mahāsena, dont le cercle des ennemis fut soumis en un instant à la vue du signe illustre de l’excellent sanglier, faveur octroyée par le bienheureux Nārāyaṇa, dont les corps furent purifiés par le bain purificatoire de l’aśvamedha, règna pendant dix-huit années sur le royaume de Veṁgī ; son fils, Jayasiṁha, pendant trente-trois années ; le fils de son frère cadet Indrarāja, Viṣṇuvardhana, pendant neuf [années] ; le fils de celui-ci, Maṁgi Yuvarāja, pendant vingt-cinq [années] ; son fils, Jayasiṁha, pendant trente-trois [années] ; son fils, Kokkili, pendant six mois ; le frère aîné de celui-ci, Viṣṇuvardhana, ayant chassé ce dernier, pendant trente-sept [années] ; son fils Vijayāditya-Bhaṭṭāraka pendant dix-huit [années] ; le fils de celui-ci, Viṣṇuvardhana, pendant trente-six [années]; son fils Vijayāditya Narendra Mr̥garāja pendant quarante-huit [années] ; le fils de celui-ci, Kali Viṣṇuvarddhana, pendant un an et demi ; son fils, le grand roi Guṇaka Vijayāditya, pendant quarante-quatre [années] ; le fils du frère cadet de ce dernier, prince héritier, le roi Vikramāditya, Cālukya Bhīma, pendant trentre [années] ; son fils Vijayāditya pendant six mois ; le fils aîné de celui-ci, Ammarāja, pendant sept ans ; ayant chassé le fils de ce dernier, Vijayāditya, alors qu’il était enfant, qu’il portait le collier et avait été couronné, Tāhādhipa [régna] pendant un mois ; le fils de Cālukya Bhīma, le roi Vikramāditya, protégea la terre pendant onze mois ;

I.
le fils de Meḻāṁba et Vijayāditya, qui comblait son peuple, ayant noué le bandeau héréditaire, protége la terre tant que dure la lune,

II.
lui, qui a déraciné les orgueilleux ennemis et réinstallé les alliés, a conduit sa gloire, qui a la blancheur du jasmin et du lotus, jusqu’aux dix horizons.

III.
En lui resplendissent les beautés des rois, en nul autre parmi les rois : l’éclat qui envahit ce massif de lotus qu’est la main de Padmā, le trouve-t-on dans un massif de lotus ?↓8

20-23Lui, refuge de tous les hommes, l’illustre roi suprême des grands rois, Viṣṇuvardhana, excellent seigneur, excellent dévôt, méditant aux pieds de sa mère et de son père, ordonne ceci aux chefs de famille habitant le viṣaya de Gudravāra, rāṣṭrakūṭa en tête :

IV.
habitant le mahāgrāma↓9 de Vaṁgipaṟṟu, de la descendance de Gautama, le récitant nommé Tyākkiya naquit, lui qui avait la puissance de Turāṣāḥ.

V.
Son fils fut Mādhava, sacrificateur de soma, dévot de Janārdhana, source de joie pour l’univers grâce à ses immenses capacités.

VI.
L’illustre récitant [est] Viddamayya, qui fait naître la joie des prêtres. [Il a pour] fils Brahmavarcasvin, dont la vertu n’est pas insignifiante.

VII.
L’eau avec laquelle on lavait les pieds des brahmanes rendait boueuse, la vaste cour de sa demeure, jusqu’à la septième génération.↓10

VIII.
Ses fils et petit-fils, jeunes brahmanes, éloquents dans les éminentes assemblées, étant entrés dans les comités de cinq membres,↓11 sont honorés par les notables.

IX.
Celui-ci [pratique] le rite de purification et [suit] la règle de Manu, il répète en effet sans effort les Veda et la syllabe Om.

29-32Qu’il soit connu de vous que nous donnons à ce dernier, récitant de Dāmodara, * * *↓12, car il est son petit-fils, un terrain à l’ouest du village nommé Ākulamannaṇḍu, exempté de toute taxe, après avoir fait une libation d’eau, pendant l’ascension du soleil vers le Nord.↓13

32-33Les limites de celui-ci sont : à l’est un large ruisseau,↓14 au sud un ruisseau,↓15 à l’ouest la limite de Kraṁkaṭavvā, au nord la même. Aucune charge ne doit lui être imposée.

X.
Beaucoup ont donné une terre, beaucoup l’ont protégée, celui qui possède la terre en possède la fruit.

XI.
Qu’elle soit donnée par lui ou par un autre, celui qui prend une terre renaît ver de terre dans les excréments pendant soixante mille ans.

Commentary

Concerning sāṣṭācatvāriṁśataM in line 11, Kielhorn lists variants in related inscriptions known to him. I duplicate his note here; it may be worth tracing these and listing them by inscription title. The reading is °rājas sā° in IA 13 p249 l11 and this may have been intended in SII I p47 l18. The reading is °rājaś cā° in IA 7 p16 l12, IA 12 p92 l14, IA 14 p52 l41, EI 4 p306 l40, EI 5 p140 l10. It is °rājaḥ Aṣṭa° in IA 13 p213 l15, which is one of the earliest inscriptions that give 48 years as the duration of this king’s reign; and in IA 19 p429, IA 14 p56 l13.

Bibliography

Some details of this grant were cited by John Faithfull Fleet (1891: page 270, № N) before its publication. Edited from Sir Walter Elliot’s inked impressions by Franz Kielhorn (1898-1899: pages 134–139, № E), with an abstract of the contents and with partial facsimiles.↓16 Subsequently noticed in ARIE 1962-1963: page 49, appendix A/1962–63, № 20. The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of the above editions with Kielhorn’s facsimiles where available, and with inked rubbings in Sir Walter Elliot’s collection.↓17.

Primary

Fleet, John Faithfull. 1891. “The Chronology of the Eastern Chalukya Kings.” IA 20: 1–15, 93–104, 266–85.
Page 270, № N. [siglum JFF]
Kielhorn, Lorenz Franz. 1898–1899. “Six Eastern Chalukya Copper-Plate Inscriptions.” EI 5: 118–42.
Pages 134–139, № E. [siglum FK]

Secondary

Subrahmanya Aiyer, K. V. 1935–1936. “A Note on the Panchavara Committee.” EI 23 (4): 22–28.
27–28.
ARIE 1962-1963. Page 49, appendix A/1962–63, № 20.
Gaur, Albertine. 1975. Indian Charters on Copper Plates in the Department of Oriental Manuscripts and Printed Books. London: British Museum Publications.
Page 14, № Ind. Ch. 22.

Notes

↑1. Jayasiṁha II ruled for thirteen, not thirty-three years, which is the duration of Jayasiṁha I’s reign.
↑2. Correctly: his younger brother by a different mother.
↑3. I understand vāra to mean an official or a body of officials, as suggested by Kielhorn in a note to his translation (1898-1899: page 138, note 7) as well as by Subrahmanya Aiyer (1935-1936: 27–28) and Sircar (1966: s.v. pañcavāra).
↑4. Due to a lacuna of two characters, the interpretation of the first hemistich is not entirely certain, but its purport must have been something much like that translated here.
↑5. Due to a lacuna, the interpretation of the text is again uncertain here.
↑6. agrahāra
↑7. According to Kielhorn’s note, kōḍu means “rivulet, branch of a river” in Telugu, but in Kannaḍa, “peak or top of a hill.”
↑8. Strophe difficile reposant sur un arthāntara, les deux sujets sont identiques mais l’un est dépourvu de la qualité que l’autre possède. Dans les pāda a et b, il y a une paronomase : rājñām, rājante, rājasu, tandis que dans les pāda c et d il y a une synonymie, padma et kumuda, provoquant un virodha-śleṣa. En effet, cette synonymie engendre une contradiction. Celle-ci peut être résolue au moyen de deux hypothèses : - soit padma et kumuda désignent deux variétés de lotus, l’une étant plus lumineuse que l’autre, mais ceci semble difficile à attester ; - soit padmākara est un virodha-śleṣa, se décomposant ainsi : padmā-kara, la main de Padmā. Nous retenons cette deuxième hypothèse qui est plus pertinente.
↑9. D. C. Sircar, 1966, p. 176 : petit territoire regroupant plusieurs villages.
↑10. Le texte est très altéré mais nous pouvons en déduire le sens général en le rapprochant de la str. 30 de l’insc. n°34 : yasya śrī-bhavanājira[ṁ] dvija-pada-prakṣālanāṁbu(ṁ)-sphutam nityaṁ karddamatāṇ nayaty atitarāṁ yenoddhr̥taṁ svaṁ kulam[+|] pāda a et b, str. 30, insc. 34.
↑11. D. C. Sircar, 1966, p. 420 : comités d’assemblée locale.
↑12. Le texte étant illisible, il est difficile de préciser la fonction de ce composé dans la phrase.
↑13. Cette expression désigne la « remontée » du soleil vers le Nord entre le solstice d’hiver et celui de l’été, même expression dans l’insc. n°26.
↑14. Traduction de l’éditeur.
↑15. Traduction de l’éditeur.
↑16. The reprinted Epigraphia Indica only has images for pages 1v and 2v (wrongly labelled as 2r).
↑17. Scans of these impressions were obtained by Emmanuel Francis from the Edinburgh University Library, the Bibliothèque nationale de France and the British Museum. I presently have no image of the seal. Photos of the original plates and seal will probably be obtained from the BL, which will then need to be collated.