Ārumbāka grant of Bādapa

Metadata

Current Version:  draft, 2024-09-02Z

Editor:   Dániel Balogh.

DHARMA Identifier: INSVengiCalukya00030

Hand Description:

Halantas. The only clear instance of final M is at the very end, l68 tārārkaM. This is a circle with a wiggly tail. Final T is a slightly reduced ta without an extended tail, e.g. l5 apālayaT; l30 bhr̥T; l48 ajījanaT. The principal difference between ta and T may be that ta has a regular V-shaped headmark, while T has a more lopsided stroke on the top. Final N is a reduced and simplified na, with a straight vertical stem that extends only up to the headline, e.g. l7 māsāN. Rare final K occurs in l26 satyavāK, but it is indistinct in my scanned estampage. It may consist of the lower part of a regular ka (an oval with two arms), and perhaps a single upward tail above that. Rare final Ṭ in l40 rāṬ is also unclear; it appears to be much like ṭa, but may have a vertical tail.

Original punctuation marks. The opening symbol is faint and somewhat blurred, but is definitely a flower with four cardinal petals and probably four intercardinal spikes. Regular punctuation marks are plain vertical bars, the same height as or slightly shorter than a character body. Lakshmana Rao transcribes the final punctuation mark (l68 tārārkaM||) as a double daṇḍa. Nothing resembling a vertical can be made out here in the scanned rubbing and I think it may in fact be a different symbol, if one is present at all.

Other palaeographic observations. Lakshmana Rao (1927-1928: 138–139) gives a very detailed analysis of the palaeography of this grant and its companion the Śrīpūṇḍi grant of Tāḻa II. Its main points are summarised here. The vowel marker of ā is sometimes an upward stroke, e.g. l1 mā and nā, l8 ṭṭā, l23 hā, l24 jñā, l39 jā. An alternative form of the marker for u is used in e.g. l1 pu; this is used in conjunction with m, p and y. The two forms appear close by in line 37, and a third form is found in l22 kalpataru; this is used with r and k. All three forms appear in line 38. Dependent e may be attached to the foot on the left, or on top of the character. Anusvāra is never used before dental and retroflex stops, where the homorganic nasal appears instead. Its normal position is at headline height or above, after the character to which it belongs. It is moved above the next character in l46 nāyamaṁbā and possibly in l60 sāmakāṁbā (is this because these are vernacular names?). In l5-6 trayastriṁśataṁ, the first anusvāra is moved to the beginning of the next line, while the second is to the left of ta. It is also to the left of ka in l13 ekaṁ. In l46, tāsāṁ, it is lowered almost to the baseline.


Additional Metadata

No metadata were provided in the table for this inscription

Edition

Seal

1śrī-tribhuvan(āṁ)ku-
2śa

Plates

⎘ plate 1v 1floretQuatrefoilsvasti[.] śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁ(stūya)māna-mānavya-sagotrāṇāṁ hārīti-putrāṇāṁ kauśikī-
2-vara-prasāda-labdha-rājyā¿ṇ?⟨n⟩āṁ mātr̥-gaṇa-paripālitānāṁ svām(i)-mahāsena-pādānudhyātānāṁ bhagavan-nārā-
3yaṇa-prasāda-samāsādita-vara-(varā)ha-lāñccha¿ṇa?⟨ne⟩kṣaṇa-kṣaṇa-vaśīkr̥tārāti-maṇḍalānā{ṁ}m aśvamedhā-
4vabhr̥¿t?⟨th⟩a-snāna-pav(i)trīkr̥ta-vapuṣāṁ cā(lukyānāṁ ku)lam al¿ā?⟨a⟩ṁkariṣṇoḥ satyāśraya-vallabhendrasya bhrātā ku-
5bja-viṣṇuvarddhan(o) ◯ [’]ṣṭādaśa (varṣāṇi veṁ)gī-(de)śam apālayaT| tad-ātmajo jayasiṁhas trayastri-
6ṁśataṁ| tad-anuje◯ndra(rāja-)nan(dano viṣṇu)varddhano nava| tat-sūnur mmaṁgi-yuvarājaḥ paṁcaviṁśati(M)[.]-
7tat-putro jayasi(ṁ)has tra(yodaśa|) ta(d-ava)rajaḥ k{k}okkiliḥ ṣaṇ-māsāN[.] tasya jyeṣṭho bhrātā viṣṇu-
8varddhanas tam uccāṭya sapta-triṁśat(aṁ)| tat-p(u)tro vijayāditya-bhaṭṭārako [’]ṣṭādaśa| tat-s¿a?⟨u⟩to viṣṇuvarddha-
9naḥ ṣaṭtriṁśataṁ| tat-suto vijayāditya-narendra-mr̥garājaś cāṣṭacatvāriṁśatsaṁ| tat-sutaḥ kali-viṣṇuva-
10rddhano [’]ddhya(rddha)-[varṣaṁ](|) tat-suto guṇagāṁka-vijayādityaś catuścatvāriṁśataṁ| tad-anuja-yuvarāja-vi-
⎘ plate 2r 11kramāditya-bhūpa[teḥ sūnuś cālukya-bhīma]-(bhūpā)las tri(ṁ)śataṁ| tat-putraḥ kollabigaṇḍa-vijayādi-
12tyaḥ ṣaṇ māsāN| tat-suto [’]ṁba-rā[jas sapta varṣāṇi|] tat-suta⟨ṁ⟩ vijayāditya⟨ṁ⟩ bālam uccāṭya tālapo mā-
13sam ekaṁ| taṁ jitvā cālukya-[bhīma-tanayo] (vi)kramāditya Ekādaśa māsāN(|) tatas tālapa-rājasya
14suto yuddhamallaḥ sapta va(rṣāṇi| taṁ jitvā ko)llabigaṇḍa-(v)ijayāditya-suto bhīma-rājo dvādaśa va(r)ṣā-
15ṇi| tasya mahe◯śvara-(mūrtteḥ bhīma)-bhū(pa)teḥ Umā-samānākr̥teḥ lokamahādevyāḥ ku-
16mārābhaḥ khalu ◯ ya(s samabhavad a)mmarājākhyaḥ Asau samyag dharmma-nyāyena veṁgī-deśaṁ tri-
17-kaliṁga-sahitaṁ ra◯kṣati (sma)[.]

I. Anuṣṭubh
(Āśritya karṇa)-rājākhya-
-vallabhaṁ bādapādhipaḥ
vini⟨r⟩ggamayya tan de18śād
amma-rājākhyam ¿u?⟨ū⟩rjjita(M)

II. Sragdharā
[ji]tvā(je?)(yā)n mr̥(di)tvā ripu-nikaram athābhyartthi¿ṇ?⟨n⟩āṁ vastu-rāśiṁ
da¡t!vā saṁp¿u?⟨ū⟩jya ba19ndhūn sakala-guṇa-gaṇālaṁkr̥tott[uṁ]¡(gg)!a-kīrtti(ḥ)
mānī dhīraḥ pratāpī manu-mata-caritaḥ pālayan bhāti bhū20miṁ|
veṁgīśo yuddhamalla-kṣi(ti)pati-tanayo bādapākhyādhirājaḥ|

III. Āryāgīti
yasmin śāsati nr̥patau| paripakvā⎘ plate 2v 21neka-sasya-saṁpat-sahitaḥ|
bha(v)ati dharmmānu⟨⟨ra⟩⟩kto nirītir aparu¡j!⟨ṅ⟩ nirasta-coro deśaḥ|

IV. Āryā
manur iva sakala-janānāṁ janaka 22Ivāśeṣa-bhr̥tya-varggāṇāM
kā(ma I)va [kā](m)īninām artthi-janānāṁ ca kalpataruḥ|

s{s}a samasta-bhuvanāśraya-śrī-vijayā-
23ditya-mahārājādhi(rā)[ja-pa](rame)[śvara](ḥ) parama-bhaṭṭārakaḥ parama-māheśvaraḥ parama-brahmaṇyo mātā-pitr̥-pādānu-
24dhyāyī velanāṇḍu-(viṣaya)-nivāsi[no] (rāṣṭrakūṭa-pramukhā)n sarvv¿a?⟨ā⟩n kuṭ¡i!⟨u⟩ṁbinas samāhūyettham ājñāpayati

viditam a-
25stu vaḥ

V. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
śreṣṭho ya◯ś ca dhanu(r)ddhara(ḥ kali?)(yu)g(e ta)t-kā(r)t¡y!⟨t⟩avīryyāpahaḥ
bhūyo jāta Iti pra¿(kya)?⟨kr̥ṣṭa⟩-ma26hi(mā) rāmā(rjju)◯nābh(yāṁ) sa(ma)ḥ
(bāḷā?)(di)tya-viśeṣa-nāma-vinuto dharmme ratas satyavāK
trā(tā) 27(prārtthiṣu?)[ –  ⏑  – ](va-pati?)[ – ] vidvi(ṭsu?) (kā)lānalaḥ

VI. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
tat-(pu)tro nr̥pakāma Ity abhinutas satya-prati28(jño) (dha?)nur
ddha(r)mmaṁ cā(py a)(dh?)i[gacchati sma  ⏑  ⏑  – ] vikhyāta-saurryākaraḥ
ya¡dd!-rāṣṭre pathi gacchatāṁ ca pava¿ṇ?⟨n⟩o nāsraṁ29(sayaty aṅśukaṁ)
(core?) [ –  ⏑  ⏑  –  ⏑  –  ⏑  ⏑  ⏑ ] (t?)ā ya(s)ya pratāpānalaiḥ

VII. Anuṣṭubh
sa kārmmuka-jitāritvāt
kārmmukā30rjju(na-n)[āma]-bhr̥T
satyai(ka) [ ⏓  ⏑  –  –  ⏓ ]
[satyaballā]ta-s(aṁ)jñakaḥ

VIII. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
⟨⟨dhīma(nto) gu⟩⟩rum agra-janma-nikarā vyā⎘ plate 3r 31(saṁ sa?)hā(yaṁ nr̥pāḥ)
(prītyā) [ –  ⏑  ⏑  –  ⏑  – ] (sva-jana)kaṁ kal(p)adrumaṁ cā(r)tthi¿ṇ?⟨n⟩aḥ
manyante [’]pi sa32d(ai)kam ūrjjitam an(e)kaṁ (pā?)(rttha)m uddhanvinaḥ
ci¡t(t)!(raṁ) śrī-(va)ra-kārmukārjjuna-nr̥paṁ kām¿ā(s)?⟨aṁ⟩ (sa)kāmā⟨ḥ⟩ striyaḥ

IX. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
33(ya)c-chauryya(ṁ) yudhi vairi-(bh)ūpa-(ni)vaha-vyāghāta-jātaṁ bh¡ri!⟨r̥⟩śaṁ
yad-dānaṁ dvi(ja-saṁ)śri34tārtthi-(ja)◯na-sa¡n!t¡ri!⟨r̥⟩(pti)-k(r)iyā-pe⟨śa⟩laṁ|
yat-kīrttis sakalāñ ca candra-dhava35lā śubhrī-ka◯(ro)ti k(ṣitiṁ)
(so?) [’](yaṁ) bhāti sukārmmukārjjuna-saro-nāthorjjito v(ī)36ryya(vāN|?)

X. Drutavilambita
(kana?)ti (san-nr̥pa)k(āma-sara)ḥpati⟨ḥ⟩
śrita-janānana-padma-sunandanaḥ|
Iha sa(do)37ditir aṁśu-nidhiḥ kṣit¿o?⟨au⟩
r(i)pu-tamo-nud inena samo [’]naghaḥ|

XI. Śārdūlavikrīḍita
dānodāra-dayā-bala-pra⎘ plate 3v 38(ka)(ṭita-prā?)vīṇya-śauca-kṣamā-
-mānālaṁghya-śivārccanoru-guṇa-muktā-hāra-saṁbhūṣitaḥ
39(d)īnānātha-naṭāndha-nagna-kavi-vāgmīndra-dvijānanda-k¿ri?⟨r̥⟩d
bhāti prastuta-kīrttimān raṇa-jayī 40(śrī-satyaba)llāta-rāṬ

XII. Āryāgīti
dha(va)la-guṇo dhavala-yaśo-dhavalita-di¡g!-maṇḍalo [’](va)damitārā41tiḥ|
bha(va)-bhakt(o) ◯ bhava-karuṇodbhava-bhava-bhogānvito vibhāti sukīrttiḥ(|)

XIII. Indravajrā
(Arkka)-pratā42(po) [’]ri-riḍ agra-dhanvī
śrī-hrī-kṣamājñā-karuṇāśr¿ī?⟨i⟩to [’]bhīḥ
Enaḥ-kṣid asyāṁ bhuvi (bhāti n)itya(ṁ|)
43(sa)t(y)āśritas san-nr̥pakāma-śauri⟨ḥ⟩|

XIV. Anuṣṭubh
yo [’]vadhīt kṣurikeṇaikaḥ
paṁca-vīrān balāt svaya(ṁ)|
pu44(na?)[ś ca] (dha)nuṣā śatr¿a?⟨ū⟩n
sahasrān yudhi bhāti saḥ|

XV. Anuṣṭubh
brahmeśendra-h¡ri!⟨r̥⟩ṣīkeśa-
-kumārāṇāṁ ⎘ plate 4r 45[ya](th)ābhavan
vāgvadhūmā-śac¿i?⟨ī⟩-lakṣmī¡|!-
-jaya-śrī-subhagā⟨ḥ⟩ striyaḥ|

XVI. Anuṣṭubh
tathā teṣāṁ sama46syābhūn
nr̥(pa)kāma-saraḥpateḥ
tāsāṁ samā priyā bhāryyā
nāyamaṁbā Iti 47(śrutā)|

XVII. Anuṣṭubh
sarvva-(la)kṣa(ṇa)-saṁpannā
sarvvābharaṇa-bhūṣitā|
sarvva-strī-dharmma-ta¡t!va-jñā
śī48la-(vr̥ttava)tī ◯ (sa)tī|

XVIII. Anuṣṭubh
tasyāṁ pativratāyāṁ ca
gaṇḍanārāyaṇāhvaya(M?)
(sa)49(tyaballā)ta-nā◯māṁkaḥ
pātraṁ putram ajījanaT|

XIX. Pramāṇikā
Umā-vr̥ṣāṁkayo(r) yya50(thā?)
(gu)ha(ś śa)c¿i?⟨ī⟩ndrayo(r iva)
(ja)yanta Ity abhūt sutaḥ
tayoś ca tat-samānayoḥ(|)

XX. Anuṣṭubh
51(vyū)ḍhorask(o) vr̥ṣa-skan¿d?⟨dh⟩a(ḥ)
(s)ka(n)da-(p)ratima-vikramaḥ
mahotsāhī mahodyogī
mahā⎘ plate 4v 52-bāhur mmahā-balaḥ|

XXI. Anuṣṭubh
nr̥pakāma-saronātha-
-putro jyeṣṭho [’]tibuddhimān
gaṇḍanārāyaṇa⟨ḥ⟩ 53śrīmān
gajāśvār¿u?⟨ū⟩¿ḍ?⟨ḍh⟩a-kauśalaḥ|

XXII. Anuṣṭubh
paṭus sūra¿s s?⟨ś ś⟩uci⟨r⟩ ddakṣa⟨ḥ⟩
śīla-(v)r̥(t)t(a-guṇā?)(n)vitaḥ
dhanuṣmat-(pu)54ruṣa-śreṣṭha⟨ḥ⟩
śre◯ṣṭhas sarvva-kalāsu ca|

XXIII. Anuṣṭubh
mātā-pitr̥-p¿ā?⟨a⟩dāṁbhoja-
-bhramaro bhā(ska)55ro nr̥(ṇāṁ)
ga(ṇḍa)◯nārā(yaṇā)hvo yas
sarvva-śastra-bh¡ri!⟨r̥⟩tāṁ varaḥ|

XXIV. Anuṣṭubh
tasmai bādapa-rāj(ā)dhi-
(rājo) rā(je)ndra-(puṁga)vaḥ
prītaḥ prādān mahā-grāmam
āruṁbāketi viśrutaṁ|

tasmai ga-
57(ṇḍanārā)yaṇ¡(asya)!⟨āya⟩ (ve)lanā(ṇḍu)-viṣaye Āruṁbāka nāma grāma¿(ṁ)?⟨ḥ⟩ sarvva-kara-parihāraṁ
58[tāmra]-śāsa(nī-kr̥tya ma)yā datta (I)ti| bādapa-rājendreṇa datta⟦datta⟧ṁ grāma⟨⟨ṁ⟩⟩ svīkr̥¡tvā!⟨tya⟩
⎘ plate 5r 59[sa] gaṇḍanārā(yaṇa)⟨ḥ⟩ (svayaṁ sva-mātur) nnāyamaṁbāyāḥ kanīyasī sahodarī sā-
60(ma?)kāṁbā ta(syāḥ pu)traś ca(ndeṇā)khyaḥ| tas(mai) candeṇākhyāya svīkr̥tam āruṁbāka nāma
61(grā)ma{(ṁ)}m uda(ka)(-pūrvaṁ?) (pr)ādāT[.] taṁ grāma(ṁ svīkr̥)¡(tvā)!⟨tya⟩ (ca)nde¡n!ākhyaḥ kal¡ān!⟨āḥ⟩ svīkr̥¡tvā!⟨tya⟩ pūrṇṇacandra Iva bhrā-
62(ja)ti sma

XXV. Upajāti
śūraḥ ◯ kumāras subha(ṭāgra-ga)ṇyas
saro-narāṇāṁ sakalāgama-jñaḥ
kāruṇyavā63(n gar)vvita-śatru-ha◯(ntā)
cā(rū)dayo bhāti sucande¡n!āryyaḥ|

tasya grāmasyāvadhayaḥ[.] pūrvva-
64taḥ ceṟakuṁballi[.] dakṣiṇataḥ śrīpūṇḍi[.] paścimataḥ kāvūru[.] Uttarataḥ gomaḍuvu| Asya grāma-
65syopari na kenacid bādhā ka(r)ttavyā[.] yaḥ karoti sa pañca-mahā-pātaka-saṁyukto bhavati|

XXVI. Anuṣṭubh
sva-da 66ttāṁ para-dattāṁ vā
yo hareta vasundharāṁ
ṣaṣṭi-varṣa-sahasrāṇi
viṣ¿ṭ?⟨ṭh⟩āyāṁ jāyate kr̥miḥ|

vyās(e)nāp(y u)-
⎘ plate 5v 67k(t)aṁ

XXVII. Anuṣṭubh
bahubh(i)r vvasudhā (da)ttā
bahubhiś cānupālitā
ya(s)ya yasya yadā bhūmi⟨ḥ⟩
tasya tasya tadā phalaṁ|

XXVIII. Āryā
ājñapti⟨ḥ⟩ 68ka(ṭa)ka-nr̥paḥ kavir a(yya)nabhaṭṭa-sarvva-śāstra-jñaḥ
likhitaṁ bhaṭṭadevena śāsanam ācandra-tārārkaM|

Apparatus

Seal

Plates

3 -lāñccha¿ṇa?⟨ne⟩kṣaṇa--lāñccha¿ṇ?⟨n⟩ekṣaṇa- LR3–4 °ā/vabhr̥¿t?⟨th⟩a-°ā/vabhr̥tha- LR
5–6 trayastri/ṁśataṁtrayastriṁ/śataṁ LR
6 paṁcaviṁśati(M)paṁcaviṁśati⟨ṁ⟩ LR
11 -bhūpa[teḥ sūnuś cālukya-bhīma]--bhūpa[tes tanayaś cāḷukya-bhīma]- LR • While the exact wording of the lost text cannot be reconstructed and its meaning is beyond doubt, the words I propose seem most likely on the basis of related grants. The words tad-anuja-yuvarāja-vikramāditya-bhūpateḥ occur in two grants of Amma II, in both cases followed by the words proposed here. In other versions of the genealogy, the phrasing deviates from the text preserved here, e.g. tad-anuja-yuvarāja-bhūbhr̥d-ātmajaś cālukya-bhīma-; tad-anuja-yuvarāja-vikramāditya-narapātmajaḥ cālukya-bhīma-; tad-anuja-vikramādityātmajaś cālukya-bhīmas; tad-anujasya labdhayauvarājyasya vikramāditasya sutaś cālukya-bhīmas.
13 -[bhīma-tanayo] (vi)kramāditya-[bhīma-sūnu]r vvikramāditya LR • The loss is larger than the space required for LR’s restoration; the damaged character after the gap seems to be vi, not rvvi; and related plates use the word tanayo here. I wonder if LR also had my restoration in mind, but accidentally mixed up two restorations next to the name Bhīma (compare the note to line 11).
17 (karṇa)- LR • The reading kaṇha or kaṇṇa cannot be excluded; see the commentary.17 bādapādhipaḥ LR • This ruler’s name has been read as Bāḍapa in ARIE 1920-1921: 90–91 (for the present plates) and as Bāḍaba ARIE 1908-1909: 108 (for the Śrīpūṇḍi grant of Tāḻa II). Lakshmana Rao asserts that he has carefully compared instances of da and ḍa in these two inscriptions and come to the conclusion that the name is Bādapa. Although LR’s estampage is rather indiscernible, da is indeed clear in the photo, as well as in the estampage of the Śrīpūṇḍi grant (where the spelling is indeed with b).17 vini(r)ggamayyavinig{g}amayya LR • The emendation proposed by Lakshmana Rao is probably a typo and his intent must have been vinirgamayya. In the scanned estampage it seems definitely possible that the repha is in fact there above gga, so I prefer the reading that does not require emendation.
18 [ji]tvā(je?)(yā)njitvā (dā)yān LR • Lakshmana Rao assumes that his reading dāyān means dāyādān, which I do not find convincing at all. The first character of this string, which he prints as a clearly legible ji, is mostly lost with a missing chunk of the plate; the vestiges outside the lost chunk are indiscernible in both the photo and the estampage. After that, tvā and the final nmr̥ are quite clear in the estampage, though less so in the photo. The third character is wholly indistinct in both. Lakshmana Rao’s editor (probably Hirananda Sastri) tentatively proposes in a footnote to read it as je, which I adopt provisionally, though the character appears a little narrow for je. If this reading/restoration is correct, it permits construing either jitvā+jeyān or jitvā+ajeyān, of which I slightly prefer the latter because the former is extremely bland. From the vestiges, I could also imagine datvā deyān, but in addition to being bland, this would be quite the same as the statement later in the same quarter.
19–20 bhū/miṁ • After bhū, there is a dot at head height. This may be the headmark of an aborted character or a space filler.
21 bha(v)atibha¿m?⟨v⟩ati LR • Although the second character does resemble ma (more in the photo, less in the estampage), what appears to be its right limb is placed too low, is next to a vertical crack in the plate, and is probably not attached to the body. I think the engraved text is correct, and the upper part of the apparent right limb is in fact the end of the following t, while its lower part is probably damage associated with the crack.21 aparu¡j!⟨ṅ⟩aparuṅ LR • The same spelling is found in the Paḷaṁkalūru grant of Amma II.
25 pra¿(kya)?⟨kr̥ṣṭa⟩-pra¿rkyā?⟨kr̥ṣṭa⟩- LR • I adopt Lakshmana Rao’s emendation, but I am not sure of his reading. In the estampage, kya appears quite distinct and there may well be a repha there, but only the subscript y is certain from the photo. There is a slight chance that the engraved text is prasya, intended for praśasya; there may also be a scribal correction engraved in small size above the problematic character and no longer legible.25–26 -ma/hi(mā) LR-ma/himo LR
26 sa(ma)ḥsam{m}aḥ LR26 (bāḷā?)(di)tya-(bā)ḷāditya- LR • I provisionally accept LR’s reading of the first character, but I am far from certain about it. Subramanian 1940: 743 discusses this name as Bālāditya or Colāditya. The latter (rather with than l) also seems possible, as do others such as veḷāditya, vejāditya and Eḻāditya.
27 (prārtthiṣu?)[ –  ⏑  – ](va-pati?)[ – ] vidvi(ṭsu?)[ –  ⏑  ⏑  –  ⏑  –  ⏑  ⏑  ⏑  – ] vidviṣṭa- LR • My tentative prārtthiṣu at the beginning of this line is based on very faint and ambiguous vestiges. I cannot interpret vapati, but perhaps the word pati is involved. I am also unsure about ṭsu, but LR’s ṣṭa seems unlikely for the last character of this stretch.27–28 -prati/(jño dha)nur • The first two characters in line 28 are completely indiscernible in both the photo and the estampage, but I accept LR’s reading as very plausible in the context.
28 (py a)(dh?)i[gacchati sma  ⏑  ⏑  – ]a [5*] LR • I restore tentatively. If the vestiges are clearer in the original, then it may be possible to confirm or reject dhigaccha; the rest of this stretch is lost with a chunk of the plate.
29 (core?) [ –  ⏑ ] • LR prints this word as clear, but as far as the facsimile and photo tell, it could also be veda or a number of other things. If LR is correct, then perhaps read/emend corai, then restore ḥ kiṁ or r nna. The last character before the missing chunk of plate may have had the vowel i.
30 ⟨⟨dhīma(nto) gu⟩⟩rum • According to LR, these characters are inscribed over an erasure. I see no definite indication of this, but he is probably correct anyway.30–31 vyā/(saṁ sa?)hā(yaṁ nr̥pāḥ) LR • I accept LR’s reading here, which he prints as clear except for saṁ. The second charaqcter in line 31 is mostly lost to a hole where the plate has been eaten through, but it seems from LR’s rubbing that the hole may have been smaller at that time. In the vestiges of nr̥, the vowel marker is quite far below the consonant, so I wonder if the character is in fact nnr̥ (with the subscript n now indiscernible), without a preceding anusvāra.
31 (bhr̥tyā?) [ –  ⏑  ⏑  –  ⏑  – ](prītyā) [ –  ⏑  ⏑  –  ⏑  – ] LR • I suggest a restoration that is in my opinion more likely in the context than LR’s; compare stanza 4. The first two characters may also be something else, such as patyu. Another problem with this locus is that the size of the lacuna does not appear to be more than four characters, but the metre requires six here. Something may have been omitted by the scribe, or there may be a correction in which six characters were inscribed over a smaller number of earlier ones.
32 an(e)kaṁ (pā?)(rttha)m uddhanvinaḥ • Here, the condition of the plate has definitely deteriorated since LR’s rubbing was taken.32 ci¡t(t)!(raṁ) • I accept LR’s word that a superfluous subscript t is present here; it is not clear either in the estampage or the photograph.
37 inena¿i?⟨a⟩nena LR • I find that Lakshmana Rao’s emendation does not improve the text. A superfluous i would be an unusual sort of mistake, especially here where the last line on the plate is written more calligraphically than the rest (with extended descenders). The word anena does not fit the context, while ina is attested in several cognate inscriptions.
38 -pra/(ka)(ṭita-prā?)vīṇya- LR • I accept LR’s reading since it is very plausible in the context. The second and third characters of line 38 are illegible in both facsimiles, and the vowel marker of the fourth is a hook attached to a stroke ascending from below on the right of the damaged body. It thus appears most likely to be pyā or or syā, and reading prā may require emendation. There is a slight possibility that the text is svāvīṇya, inviting the emendation svādhīnya; but the only specimen of svā in the text does not clearly have the stem of the subscript v ascending beside the body of s.
43 san-nr̥pakāma- • This is my preferred parsing of this string, because the composer uses su- and sat- repeatedly to fill out the metre. The letters could also be analysed as san nr̥pakāma-.43–44 pu/(na?)[ś ca] (dha)nuṣāp¿u?⟨ū⟩/(rṇātta)-dhanuṣā LR • Nothing in line 44 before nu is discernible in either facsimile, and the plate is completely corroded through where the third character should be. In addition to reading and emending as shown above, LR notes that the first two characters of line 44 look like naḥ sa in the original plate. If this is so, then I do not see the need for reading something as different from that as rṇātta, which even requires an emendation. The reading punaḥ sa, as well as punaḥ su° and punaḥ sva°, are possible given the awkward style of the composer, but lacking a better facsimile, I consider punaś ca to be most likely.
44 śatr¿a?⟨ū⟩n • The vowel u or even ū may be present in the original, overlapping the subscript s of the next character.
48 -(vr̥ttava)tī LR • The characters marked as unclear are wholly indistinct in the scan. Lakshmana Rao’s reading makes perfect sense, but the space seems rather narrow for them. It is possible that one character was omitted in the original, or that these three characters were inscribed as a correction over only two earlier characters.48 āhvaya(M?)āhvaya¿ḥ?⟨ṁ⟩ LR
53 °ār¿u?⟨ū⟩ḍa-°ārūḍha- LR • The in Lakshmana Rao’s text may be a typo. The original character permits either reading and makes no sense in the context. The second character is ru, not (compare āruṁbāketi in line 55). Lakshmana Rao’s editor (Hirananda Sastri?) proposes reading °āroha- in a footnote, but this does not seem possible from the estampage. While āroha may be smoother in the context, ārūḍha is in fact attested as a substantive (neuter) meaning "mounting, arising" (Monier-Williams s.v.).53 paṭus sūra¿s s?⟨ś ś⟩uci° • These words, and perhaps also the following character rdda, are narrow and crowded, indicating that they may be a correction written over an erased shorter text (perhaps paṭuś śuci, an eyeskip omission?). However, no traces of an earlier text are discernible. I agree with LR in emending śśū to ssū, though as s and ś are not confused elsewhere in the inscription, the composer may have intended sūra in the sense of sūri, "learned man."
54 -p¿ā?⟨a⟩dāṁbhoja- LR • I agree with Lakshmana Rao’s emendation but note that it may not be absolutely necessary. The line may have been intended as a ma-vipulā, though in that case the fourth syllable ought to be long.
57 °(nārā)yaṇ¡(asya)!⟨āya⟩°(nārā)yaṇāya LR
58 datta⟦datta⟧ṁ grāma⟨⟨ṁ⟩⟩datta⟦dattaṁ⟧ grāmaṁ LR • The anusvāra after the second iteration of datta was, I assume, not meant to be deleted. According to an editorial footnote in LR’s edition, the last word is grāmaḥ, but this is incorrect (what may seem like a higher dot in the estampage is not present in the photo). After grāma, there is a single dot at baseline level. I take this to be a subsequently added anusvāra, for which there was no room at head height between ma and the following svī, nor above the latter. Although there is plenty of free space above ma, the engraver seems still to have preferred this unusual position.
59 [sa][1*] LR • Or possibly restore sa ca; but given the size of the gap, one character is more likely than two. LR shows two dots here, by which he probably means a lacuna of one akṣara.59–60 sā/(ma)kāṁbāsā/makāṁbā{ṁ} LR • The first character of line 60 is absolutely illegible in both the estampage and the photo. LR may have made out some vestiges here or may have been guessing. An editorial footnote next to LR’s emendation of sāmakāṁbāṁ to sāmakāṁbā says, ‘the anusvāra is placed on the syllable ’. I am not sure what the point of this note was. The definite anusvāra is between and , just above headline, and closer to the latter, but surely describing this would not merit an editorial note. There is no second anusvāra on . What LR saw as a superfluous anusvāra was probably a dot, much the same size as an anusvāra, between and the following ta. However, this dot is far above the headline, in fact closer to the line above, and is in my opinion not a deliberate engraving.
67 ājñapti⟨ḥ⟩ājñapti / (ḥ) LR • The dots at the beginning of line 68 are not quite positioned as a visarga would be, and there are several similar pits on the corroded surface here. I believe these dots were not engraved.

Translation by Dániel Balogh

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Plates

1-17Greetings. Satyāśraya Vallabhendra (Pulakeśin II) was eager to adorn the lineage of the majestic Cālukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hārītī, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed (to kingship) by Lord Mahāsena, to whom enemy territories instantaneously submit at the [mere] sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions (avabhr̥tha) of the Aśvamedha sacrifice. His brother Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana protected (pāl-) the land of Veṅgī for eighteen years. His son Jayasiṁha Vallabha (I), for thirty-three years. His younger brother Indrarāja’s (Indra Bhaṭṭāraka’s) son Viṣṇuvardhana (II), for nine. His son Maṅgi Yuvarāja, for twenty-five. His son Jayasiṁha (II), for thirteen. His younger brother, Kokkili, for six months. After dethroning him, his eldest brother Viṣṇuvardhana (III), for thirty-seven. His son Vijayāditya (I) Bhaṭṭāraka, for eighteen. His son Viṣṇuvardhana (IV), for thirty-six. His son Vijayāditya (II) Narendramr̥garāja, for forty-eight. His son Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana (V), for a year and a half. His son Vijayāditya (III) with the cognomen Guṇaga, for forty-four. The son of his younger brother the heir-apparent (yuvarāja) Prince (bhūpati) Vikramāditya, King (bhūpāla) Cālukya-Bhīma, for thirty. His son Kollabigaṇḍa Vijayāditya (IV), for six months. His son Ambarāja (Amma I), for seven years. After dethroning his son the child Vijayāditya (V), Tālapa, for one month. After defeating him, Cālukya-Bhīma’s son Vikramāditya (II), for eleven months. Then, King (rājan) Tālapa’s son Yuddhamalla, for seven years. After defeating him, Kollabigaṇḍa Vijayāditya’s son Bhīmarāja (II), for twelve years. A [son] who resembled Kumāra was born to that King (bhūpati) Bhīma, who was like Maheśvara, from none other than (his queen) Lokamahādevī, who was like Umā in appearance. Named Ammarāja (II), he protected (rakṣ-) the land of Veṅgī together with the three Kaliṅgas with proper piety (dharma) and justice (nyāya).

I.
Having sought the aid of the Vallabha (Rāṣṭrakūṭa) named Karṇarāja (Kr̥ṣṇa III), King (adhipa) Bādapa expelled from the country that puissant one called Ammarāja.

II.
Having first defeated the invincible ones,↓1 and crushed droves of enemies, then having donated heaps of largesse to supplicants and honoured his kinsmen, the king (adhirāja) named Bādapa, son of King (kṣitipati) Yuddhamalla, now shines while he protects (pāl-) the earth as Lord of Veṅgī, esteemed, steadfast, valiant, conducting himself according to the teaching of Manu, his lofty fame embellished by a host of all virtues.

III.
While this king rules, the land, devoted to righteousness (dharma), becomes replete with the bounty of many a ripe harvest, free from disasters (īti), devoid of pestilence and rid of bandits.

IV.
[He is] like Manu to all people, like a father to all classes of his dependants (bhr̥tya), like Kāma to amorous women and [like] a wish-granting tree to supplicants.

22-24That shelter of the entire universe (samasta-bhuvanāśraya), His Majesty Vijayāditya (Bādapa) the Supreme Lord (parameśvara) of Emperors (mahārājādhirāja), the Supreme Sovereign (parama-bhaṭṭāraka), supremely pious and supreme devotee of Maheśvara, humbly devoted to his mother and father,↓2 convokes and commands the householders (kuṭumbin)—including foremost the territorial overseers (rāṣṭrakūṭa)—who reside in Velanāṇḍu district (viṣaya) as follows:

24-25Let it be known to you [that]

V.
[There was a man] renowned by the distinguishing name ¿Bāḷā?ditya,↓3 who has the outstanding eminence of being the most excellent bowman of the Kali era, a reborn Bane of Kārtavīrya (Paraśurāma) of that (Kali era), and being on par with Rāma and Arjuna. He is dedicated to righteousness (dharma), true to his word, a saviour ¿to supplicants? [...] and a fire of death to his enemies.

VI.
His son, renowned as Nr̥pakāma, is true to his promises and ¿has studied? both religious duty (dharma) and the bow. [3+] He is a mine of famed heroism, in whose country wayfarers’ robes are not pulled off [even] by the wind, ¿much less by? bandits↓4 [7+] by the fires of his valour.

VII.
He bears the name Kārmukārjuna (Arjuna of the Bow) on account of having defeated his enemies with his bow. His designation is Satyaballāta because [5+] truth alone.

VIII.
How strange! [Though] His Highness the excellent King (nr̥pa) Kārmukārjuna [is only] one puissant [person], others always think of him manifoldly: the wise as a preceptor, flocks of Brahmins as Vyāsa, rulers as their helper, ¿dependants? ↓5 [6×] as their own father, supplicants as a wish-granting tree, bow-wielders as Pārtha (Arjuna), and lustful women as Kāma.

IX.
As one whose valour is strongly manifest in striking down hordes of enemy rulers in battle; as one whose generosity is fascinating because it pleases Brahmins, dependants and supplicants; as one whose moon-white reputation brightens the entire earth—so does this good Kārmukārjuna, valorous and puissant Lord of the Lake, shine.

X.
Gracious Nr̥pakāma, Lord of the Lake, shines immaculate like a trove of rays, the equal of the sun, eternally on the rise, greatly delighting the lotuses that are the faces of his subjects and dispelling the darkness that is his foes.

XI.
His Majesty King (rāj) Satyaballāta, victorious in battles, shines with an explicit reputation, adorned with a pearl necklace of excessive virtues [such as] compassion lavish with munificence, an aptitude manifest through strength, ↓6 purity, tolerance, and an adoration of Śiva uninfringed by his self-esteem, delighting the needy, the helpless, actors, the blind, the naked, poets, orators and Brahmins.

XII.
Bright in virtue, brightening the circle of directions with his bright fame, having subdued his enemies he, a devotee of Bhava (Śiva) endowed with creature comforts (bhava-bhoga) arising (udbhava) from the mercy of Bhava, shines with good reputation.↓7

XIII.
Gracious Nr̥pakāma, the fearless devastator of enemies, foremost of bowmen, accomplished in majesty, modesty, tolerance, authority and compassion, blazing like the sun and ensconced in truthfulness, ever shines as a destroyer of sin like a veritable Śauri (Viṣṇu) on this earth.

XIV.
He shines, who alone and on his own overpowered and killed five bravos with just a knife, and then with his bow↓8 slew a thousand foes in battle.

XV, XVI.
As the auspicious women Miss Speech (Sarasvatī), Umā, Śacī, Lakṣmī and Lady Victory came to be the spouses of Brahmā, Īśa (Śiva), Indra, Hr̥ṣīkeśa (Viṣṇu) and Kumāra, so one renowned as Nāyamāṁbā and equal to those (goddesses) became the beloved wife of Nr̥pakāma the Lord of the Lake, who is equal to those (gods).

XVII.
Endowed with all [good bodily] omens, embellished with all ornaments, familiar with all nuances of womanly duty (strī-dharma), she was a devoted wife virtuous in morals and conduct.

XVIII.
The one bearing the epithet Satyaballāta begat a worthy son called Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa on that faithful lady.

XIX.
As Guha (Kārttikeya) was to Umā and the one with the bull mark (Śiva), as Jayanta to Śacī and Indra, so was he born to these two, who are equal to those (gods and goddesses).

XX, XXI.
The majestic Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa, the greatly intelligent eldest son of Nr̥pakāma the Lord of the Lake, has a swelling chest, the shoulders of a bull and valour like that of Skanda. He is great in his undertakings, great in his efforts, great of arm and great in strength, and is a talented rider of horses and elephants.

XXII.
He is clever, valiant, pure and skillful, possessed of moral, good conduct and virtues, the most excellent of bow-wielders and also most excellent in all arts.

XXIII.
This sun among men who is called Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa is the foremost of all weapon-wielders and is a bee (devoted attendant) to the lotuses that are the feet of his mother and father.

XXIV.
To him Emperor (rājādhirāja) Bādapa, that bull among the greatest kings, was pleased to grant a great village renowned as Āruṁbāka.

56-62To that Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa I have granted the village named Āruṁbāka in Velanāṇḍu district (viṣaya), formulating a remission of all taxes in a copper edict. Having received the village granted by King (rājendra) Bādapa, that Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa himself—his mother Nāyamāṁbā has a younger co-uterine sister Sāmakāṁbā, [and] she has a son called Candeṇa↓9—[Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa] has given the received village named Āruṁbāka to that one called Candeṇa, [the donation being] sanctified by (a libation of) water. Upon receiving that village, the one called Candena became resplendent like the full moon upon receiving its digits [lost in its waning].

XXV.
Beautiful in his rising, the good nobleman (ārya) Candena shines, a valiant bachelor, ranking first among good soldiers, familiar with all traditions (āgama) of the Men of the Lake, endowed with compassion, but a slayer of haughty enemies.

63-65The boundaries of that village [are as follows]. To the east, Ceṟakuṁballi. To the south, Śrīpūṇḍi. To the west, Kāvūru. To the north, Gomaḍuvu. Let no-one pose an obstacle (to his enjoyment of his rights) over that village. He who does so, shall be conjoined with the five great sins.

XXVI.
He who would seize land, whether given by himself or by another, shall be born as a worm in faeces for sixty thousand years.

66-67Vyāsa too has said,

XXVII.
Many [kings] have granted land, and many have preserved it [as formerly granted]. Whosoever at any time owns the land, the fruit {reward} [accrued of granting it] belongs to him at that time.

XXVIII.
The executor (ājñapti) is the castellan (kaṭaka-nr̥pa). The poet is Ayyanabhaṭṭa, learned in all textbooks (śāstra). [This] edict, [which is to last] as long as the moon and the stars, was written (likhita) by Bhaṭṭadeva.

Translation into French by Estienne-Monod 2008

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Plates

1-17Prospérité ! Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana, frère de Satyāśraya Vallabhendra, qui orne la dynastie des Cālukya, illustres, du même gotra que les descendants de Manu, loués dans l’univers entier, descendants de Hārīti, ayant reçu leur royaume par la faveur de l’excellente Kauśikī, protégés par les Mères réunies, méditant aux pieds du seigneur Mahāsena, eux dont les cercles ennemis ont été soumis en un instant à la vue du signe illustre du sanglier, faveur octroyée par le bienheureux Nārāyaṇa, eux dont les corps ont été purifiés grâce aux bains consécutifs à l’aśvamedha, a protégé la contrée de Veṅgī pendant dix huit années. Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant trente-trois [ans] ; Le fils d’Indrarāja, frère cadet de ce dernier, Viṣṇuvardhana, pendant neuf [ans] ; Le fils de celui-ci, Maṁgi, le prince héritier, pendant vingt-cinq [ans] ; Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant treize [ans] ; Le successeur de ce dernier, Kokkili, pendant six mois ; Son frère aîné, Viṣṇuvardhana, après l’avoir chassé, pendant trente-sept [ans] ; Le fils de celui-ci, Vijayāditya, l’illustre seigneur, pendant dix-huit [ans] ; Son fils Viṣṇuvardhana pendant trente-six [ans] ; Le fils de ce dernier,Vijayāditya Narendra Mr̥garāja, pendant quarante [ans]↓10 ; Son fils Kali Viṣṇuvardhana pendant un an et demi ; Son fils Vijayāditya↓11 pendant quarante↓12 [ans] ; Le fils du roi Vikramāditya, prince héritier et frère cadet de ce dernier, le roi Cālukya Bhīma pendant trente [ans] ; Le fils de ce dernier, Kollabigaṇḍa Vijayāditya, pendant six mois ; Son fils, le roi Amma, pendant sept [ans] ; Après avoir chassé le fils de celui-ci, Vijayāditya, alors qu’il était enfant, Tālapa [régna] pendant un mois ; Après avoir vaincu ce dernier, le fils du roi Cālukya Bhīma, Vikramāditya [régna] pendant onze mois ; Puis, fils du roi Tālapa, Yuddhamalla pendant sept [ans] ; Ayant vaincu celui-ci, le fils de Kollabigaṇḍa Vijayāditya, le roi Bhīma, [régna] pendant douze [ans] ; Du roi Bhīma, manifestation de Maheśvara, et de Lokamahādevī, dont la beauté était telle que celle d’Umā, naquit celui qui était vraiment semblable à Kumāra, le roi nommé Amma, qui régna sur le royaume de Veṁgī et sur les trois Kaliṁga conformément en tout point au dharma.

I.
Le seigneur Bādapa, auquel Vallabha était soumis, roi surnommé Karṇa, chassa du pays le puissant roi nommé Amma.

II.
Ayant vaincu les Dāya, écrasé la multitude de ses ennemis, donné aux mendiants un amas de biens, honoré ses alliés, lui dont la haute gloire était ornée par la foule de toutes ses vertus, fier, intelligent, [étant] toute splendeur, se conduisant selon les préceptes de Manu, il resplendit en protégeant la terre, lui le seigneur de Veṁgī, fils du roi Yuddhamalla, le grand roi nommé Bādapa.

III.
Sous son règne, doté d’une abondance de terres cultivées de toutes sortes, le pays est voué au dharma, exempt de calamités, de maladie et de voleur.

IV.
Tel Manu pour tous les êtres, tel un père pour les foules innombrables de serviteurs, tel Kāma pour les les femmes amoureuses, pour les suppliants tel l’arbre à vœux,

22-25celui-ci, refuge de l’univers entier, illustre, Vijayāditya, souverain suprême des grands rois, excellent seigneur, excellent dévôt de Māheśvara, très pieux, qui médite aux pieds de sa mère et de son père, ordonne ceci à tous les chefs de famille rassemblés, habitant le viṣaya de Velanāṇḍu, rāṣṭrakūṭa en tête : qu’il soit connu de vous que :

V.
l’excellent archer, dont on loue la grandeur incomparable [en se disant] : « c’est le meutrier de Kārtavīrya rené dans le Kaliyuga », [lui qui est] semblable à Rāma et Arjuna [est] connu sous le nom sans pareil de Bāḷaditya, voué au dharma, à la parole vraie, protecteur, feu destructeur pour ses ennemis.

VI.
Son fils, loué sous le nom de Nr̥pakāma, connaisseur de vérité, et qui acquit la science de l’arc, dont l’abondante vaillance est célèbre, dans son rāṣṭra, sur les routes, le vent n’emporte pas les vêtements des voyageurs, les voleurs.... par les flammes de son tāpas.

VII.
Du fait que ses ennemis soient vaincus par son arc, il porte le nom de Kārmukārjuna,↓13 et du fait de.... la vérité, il est connu sous le nom de Satyaballāta.

VIII.
Les nombreux brahmanes avisés le tiennent pour le maître Vyāsa, les rois pour leur allié, en raison de son affection... pour leur père, les affligés pour l’arbre à vœux, et pourtant voilà qui est merveilleux : les archers, bien qu’il soit seul, le prennent pour un puissant Pārtha qui se démultiplierait, cet illustre et excellent roi Kārmukārjjuna, et les femmes habitées par Kāma pour Kāma.

IX.
Lui, dont la vaillance est immense, qui se révèle un obstacle dans les combats contre les multitudes de rois ennemis, dont les dons charmants satisfont les brahmanes, ceux qui s’en remettent à lui et les affligés, dont la gloire, blanche comme la lune, illumine la terre entière, le valeureux, bon et puissant Kārmukārjuna Saronātha↓14 resplendit.

X.
Le vertueux Nr̥pakāma Saraḥpati resplendit, source de joie pour ces lotus que sont les visages des hommes qui dépendent de lui, masse de rayons en perpétuelle ascension sur cette terre, irréprochable, pareil au soleil qui repousserait ces ténèbres que sont ses ennemis.

XI.
Orné d’un collier de perles que sont ses vertus profondes : générosité, immense compassion, force, habileté manifeste, pureté, patience, fierté et dévotion à l’égard de Śiva insurpassable, source de joie pour les malheureux, les hommes sans protection, les danseurs, les aveugles, les êtres démunis, les poètes, les grands orateurs et les deux-fois nés, glorieux, dont on célèbre la gloire, victorieux dans les batailles, lui, le roi illustre Satyaballāta resplendit.

XII.
Doué de vertus resplendissantes, d’une gloire resplendissante, maître du cercles des horizons qu’il fait resplendir, lui dont les ennemis sont domptés, lieu de naissance de la compassion suscitée par le cycle des existences et possédant les jouissances qu’apportent la prospérité,↓15 il rayonne, entouré de gloire.

XIII.
Doté de la splendeur du soleil, destructeur des ennemis, excellent archer, doué de prospérité, modestie, patience, autorité, compassion, exempt de crainte, destructeur des vices, il brille sans cesse sur cette terre, voué à la vérité, lui, le bon Nr̥pakāma, Śauri.

XIV.
Lui qui, seul, tua, avec son poignard, cinq héros, grâce à sa force, et, avec son arc bandé aussitôt que saisi, des milliers d’ennemis lors d’un combat, resplendit.

XV.
De même que les épouses de Brahma, Īśa, Indra, Hr̥ṣīkeśa, Kumāra étaient respectivement la déesse de la Parole, Umā, Śacī, Lakṣmī, Jayaśrī,

XVI.
de même, l’aimable épouse de Nr̥pakāma Saraḥpati, pareil à ces [dieux], fut pareille à ces [déesses], connue sous le nom de Nāyamaṁbā,

XVII.
pourvue de toutes les marques auspicieuses, parée de tous les ornements, connaissant toute l’essence des devoirs des femmes, épouse à la conduite pure.

XVIII.
De cette femme fidèlee, celui qui porte le nom de Satyaballāta donna naissance à un fils méritant nommé Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa.↓16

XIX.
De même que Guha naquit d’Umā et Vr̥ṣāṁka, Jayanta de Śacī et d’Indra, le nommé Jayanta fut le fils de ces deux [êtres] qui étaient pareils à ces [divinités].

XX.
Il avait un large torse et des épaules de taureau, un courage pareil à celui de Skanda, il était très audacieux, très persévérant, et possédait des bras puissants et une grande force,

XXI.
fils aîné de Nr̥pakāma Saronātha, très intelligent, l’illustre Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa, expert dans la monte des éléphants et des chevaux,

XXII.
adroit, instruit, pur, habile par nature, doué d’une bonne conduite et de vertus, le meilleur des archers et le meilleur dans tous les arts,

XXIII.
abeille sur les lotus que sont les pieds de sa mère et de son père, soleil pour les hommes, lui, nommé Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa, le meilleur de tous les hommes en armes.

XXIV.
A celui-ci, Bādapa roi suprême des rois, rois des rois, satisfait, donna le grand village célèbre sous le nom d’Āruṁbāka.

56-62J’ai donné à ce Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa, le village nommé Āruṁbāka, dans le viṣaya de Velanāṇḍu, exempté de toute taxe, [moi] qui ai fait cet édit de cuivre. Ayant pris possession de ce village donné par le roi des rois Bādapa, Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa, l’a donné à sa mère Nāyamaṁbā. La jeune sœur de celle-ci est Sāmakāṁbā. Le fils de cette dernière est appelé Candeṇa. Après en avoir pris possession, elle a donné à [son fils] appelé Candeṇa le village nommé Āruṁbāka, après avoir fait une libation d’eau. Ayant pris possession de ce village, le nommé Candeṇa resplendit comme la pleine lune quand elle s’est approprié ses [seize] quartiers.

XXV.
Jeune héros, qu’il faut compter parmi les meilleurs guerriers, Saras pour les hommes, connaissant tous les Āgama, doué de compassion, destructueur des orgueilleux ennemis, lui dont l’ascension est charmante, resplendit, le bon et noble Candena.

63-65 Les limites de ce villages [sont] : à l’est Ceṟukuṁ balli, au sud Śrīpūṇḍi, à l’ouest Kāvūru, au nord Gomaḍuvu. Aucune charge ne doit lui être imposée à ce village, celui qui en impose est lié aux cinq grands crimes.

XXVI.
Qu’elle soit donnée par lui ou par un autre, celui qui prend une terre renaît ver de terre dans des excréments pendant soixante mille ans.

66-67Vyāsa a dit :

XXVII.
Beaucoup ont donné une terre, beaucoup l’ont protégée, celui qui possède cette terre en possède les bénéfices.

XXVIII.
L’exécuteur est le kaṭakanr̥pa, le poète est Ayyanabhaṭṭa, qui connaît tous les traités. L’édit a été gravé par Bhaṭṭadeva, [il perdurera] aussi longtemps que la lune, le soleil et les étoiles.

Commentary

According to Lakshmana Rao, the last letter of the seal legend (śa) is below the rest, to the proper right of the boar emblem. The seal is rather weathered and the published photo is not too clear, so I can only guess where this may be.

The second plate is broken in a roughly vertical line affecting all text lines, and with a small fragment between the two lost, affecting the first three lines of 2r and the last three lines of 2r. I see no need to encode the fragments in the edition.

As Lakshmana Rao observes, the karṇa-rājākhya-vallabha in line 17 is the Rāṣṭrakūṭa king Kr̥ṣṇa III. He assumes that our poet wrongly Sanskritised his Prakritic name Kaṇṇa to Karṇa. This is possible, but the locus is damaged. Both in LR’s estampage and in the photos, the shape of is distinguishable and there is a hint of a repha above it. But there is rough corrosion below the body, so the reading kaṇha or kaṇṇa cannot be excluded, though Lakshmana Rao may have seen more of rṇa in the original.

The caesura is obscured by sandhi in v2a and b (sragdharā, second caesura in both cases) and 11c (śārdūlavikrīḍita), vāgm: īndra. There is a flat yatibhaṅga in verse 8 (śārdūlavikrīḍita), pāda c, splitting ane: kam. Also in 9b (śārdūlavikrīḍita), splitting san: tr̥pti. Also in 11b, splitting mukt: ā-hāra. Verse 11 (śārdūlavikrīḍita) has a compound across pādas ab. The enjambement of v24ab (anuṣṭubh) involves a break in ādhi/rājo. Interesting is the use of a punctuation mark at the end of v15c (anuṣṭubh), where a compound continues into the next quarter. In v28 (āryā) there is syncopation from the second to the third foot of the second half.

The prose passage tasya maheśvara-mūrtteḥ bhīma-bhūpateḥ Umā-samānākr̥teḥ lokamahādevyāḥ kumārābhaḥ khalu yas samabhavad ammarājākhyaḥ (ll15-16) is almost identical to stanza 1 of the Elavaṟṟu grant of Amma II (an āryā stanza), and to stanza 10 of the Kalucuṁbaṟṟu grant of Amma II. It thus seems likely that this text, in verse form, was already used in grants of Amma I, from which it must have been adopted (clumsily) here and (carefully) in that grant of Amma II. Or, could Bādapa’s clerks have been using a grant of Amma II as a model, given that both refer to the king as Vijayāditya?

Bibliography

Reported in ARIE 1920-1921: page 17, appendix A/1920–1921, № 16 with discussion in ARIE 1920-1921: 90–91. Edited from inked impressions (made by G. Venkoba Rao) and from the original plates by K. V. Lakshmana Rao (1927-1928: pages 137–148, № 1), with translation and facsimile (and photo of the seal). The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of Lakshmana Rao’s edition with his facsimiles and with (mediocre) photos from http://museumsofindia.gov.in/repository/record/nat_del-56-121-2-23384.

Primary

Lakshmana Rao, Komarraju Venkata. 1927–1928. “Two Copper-Plate Inscriptions of Eastern Chalukya Princes.” EI 19: 137–54.
Pages 137–148, № 1. [siglum LR]

Secondary

ARIE 1920-1921. Page 17, appendix A/1920–1921, № 16.
ARIE 1920-1921. 90–91.

Notes

↑1. Or, “defeating those who needed to be defeated.” See the apparatus to line 18.
↑2. While I consistently translate the phrase (pāda+)anudhyāta, occurring in almost all Cālukya plates, as “deliberately appointed by,” the construction here is with °ānudhyāyin. Thus, the composer of this text had in mind “meditation on the mother’s and father’s feet,” or at least a humble devotion to the persons of the mother and father. This in turn may mean that the standard phrase with (pāda+)anudhyāta was also understood to have this latter meaning by this time in the Cālukya chancellery. Compare Ferrier and Törzsök 2008: 109.
↑3. See the apparatus to line 26 about the reading of this name.
↑4. This element of my translation is based on a tentative conjectural restoration for which see the apparatus to line 29. It is also possible that the clause about travellers’ clothes and the wind is not connected to the mention of bandits.
↑5. See the apparatus to line 31 for the conjectural reading on which this translation is based.
↑6. The text is problematic here, see the apparatus to line 38. The meaning of the original may be slightly different.
↑7. The intended meaning of the repetitions of the word bhava may be slightly different, perhaps involving abhava-karuṇā, compassion towards those who lack prosperity.
↑8. There is again some uncertainty in the text at this point, see the apparatus to line 43. Whatever the correct reading is, the meaning is much the same as that translated here.
↑9. This genealogical information is enclosed, parenthetically as it were, in the sentence about passing on the grant.
↑10. Les autres inscriptions attestent un règne de 44 années.
↑11. Ce roi porte le nom de Guṇagāṁka dans les autres inscriptions.
↑12. Les autres inscriptions mentionnent un règne de quarante-quatre ans.
↑13. Allusion à l’arc invincible d’Arjuna.
↑14. Ce biruda celui des vers suivants semble faire allusion à l’évergétisme du roi qui finance des travaux d’irrigation. Ce composé n’apparaît pas dans les autres inscriptions du corpus.
↑15. Laṭānuprāsa fondé sur le terme bhava qui est employé dans trois sens différents.
↑16. L’ordre des pāda n’a pu être conservé.