Current Version: draft, 2024-09-02Z
Editor: Dániel Balogh.
DHARMA Identifier: INSVengiCalukya00030
Hand Description:
Halantas. The only clear instance of final M is at the very end, l68 tārārkaM. This is a circle with a wiggly tail. Final T is a slightly reduced ta without an extended tail, e.g. l5 apālayaT; l30 bhr̥T; l48 ajījanaT. The principal difference between ta and T may be that ta has a regular V-shaped headmark, while T has a more lopsided stroke on the top. Final N is a reduced and simplified na, with a straight vertical stem that extends only up to the headline, e.g. l7 māsāN. Rare final K occurs in l26 satyavāK, but it is indistinct in my scanned estampage. It may consist of the lower part of a regular ka (an oval with two arms), and perhaps a single upward tail above that. Rare final Ṭ in l40 rāṬ is also unclear; it appears to be much like ṭa, but may have a vertical tail.
Original punctuation marks. The opening symbol is faint and somewhat blurred, but is definitely a flower with four cardinal petals and probably four intercardinal spikes. Regular punctuation marks are plain vertical bars, the same height as or slightly shorter than a character body. Lakshmana Rao transcribes the final punctuation mark (l68 tārārkaM||) as a double daṇḍa. Nothing resembling a vertical can be made out here in the scanned rubbing and I think it may in fact be a different symbol, if one is present at all.
Other palaeographic observations. Lakshmana Rao (1927-1928: 138–139) gives a very detailed analysis of the palaeography of this grant and its companion the Śrīpūṇḍi grant of Tāḻa II. Its main points are summarised here. The vowel marker of ā is sometimes an upward stroke, e.g. l1 mā and nā, l8 ṭṭā, l23 hā, l24 jñā, l39 jā. An alternative form of the marker for u is used in e.g. l1 pu; this is used in conjunction with m, p and y. The two forms appear close by in line 37, and a third form is found in l22 kalpataru; this is used with r and k. All three forms appear in line 38. Dependent e may be attached to the foot on the left, or on top of the character. Anusvāra is never used before dental and retroflex stops, where the homorganic nasal appears instead. Its normal position is at headline height or above, after the character to which it belongs. It is moved above the next character in l46 nāyamaṁbā and possibly in l60 sāmakāṁbā (is this because these are vernacular names?). In l5-6 trayastriṁśataṁ, the first anusvāra is moved to the beginning of the next line, while the second is to the left of ta. It is also to the left of ka in l13 ekaṁ. In l46, tāsāṁ, it is lowered almost to the baseline.
No metadata were provided in the table for this inscription
⎘ plate 1v 1floretQuatrefoilsvasti[.] śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁ(stūya)māna-mānavya-sagotrāṇāṁ hārīti-putrāṇāṁ
kauśikī-
2-vara-prasāda-labdha-rājyā¿ṇ?⟨n⟩āṁ mātr̥-gaṇa-paripālitānāṁ svām(i)-mahāsena-pādānudhyātānāṁ bhagavan-nārā-
3yaṇa-prasāda-samāsādita-vara-(varā)ha-lāñccha¿ṇa?⟨ne⟩kṣaṇa-kṣaṇa-vaśīkr̥tārāti-maṇḍalānā{ṁ}m aśvamedhā-
4vabhr̥¿t?⟨th⟩a-snāna-pav(i)trīkr̥ta-vapuṣāṁ cā(lukyānāṁ ku)lam al¿ā?⟨a⟩ṁkariṣṇoḥ satyāśraya-vallabhendrasya bhrātā ku-
5bja-viṣṇuvarddhan(o) ◯ [’]ṣṭādaśa (varṣāṇi veṁ)gī-(de)śam apālayaT| tad-ātmajo jayasiṁhas
trayastri-
6ṁśataṁ| tad-anuje◯ndra(rāja-)nan(dano viṣṇu)varddhano nava| tat-sūnur mmaṁgi-yuvarājaḥ
paṁcaviṁśati(M)[.]-
7tat-putro jayasi(ṁ)has tra(yodaśa|) ta(d-ava)rajaḥ k{k}okkiliḥ ṣaṇ-māsāN[.] tasya
jyeṣṭho bhrātā viṣṇu-
8varddhanas tam uccāṭya sapta-triṁśat(aṁ)| tat-p(u)tro vijayāditya-bhaṭṭārako [’]ṣṭādaśa|
tat-s¿a?⟨u⟩to viṣṇuvarddha-
9naḥ ṣaṭtriṁśataṁ| tat-suto vijayāditya-narendra-mr̥garājaś cāṣṭacatvāriṁśatsaṁ| tat-sutaḥ
kali-viṣṇuva-
10rddhano [’]ddhya(rddha)-[varṣaṁ](|) tat-suto guṇagāṁka-vijayādityaś catuścatvāriṁśataṁ|
tad-anuja-yuvarāja-vi-
⎘ plate 2r 11kramāditya-bhūpa[teḥ sūnuś cālukya-bhīma]-(bhūpā)las tri(ṁ)śataṁ| tat-putraḥ kollabigaṇḍa-vijayādi-
12tyaḥ ṣaṇ māsāN| tat-suto [’]ṁba-rā[jas sapta varṣāṇi|] tat-suta⟨ṁ⟩ vijayāditya⟨ṁ⟩
bālam uccāṭya tālapo mā-
13sam ekaṁ| taṁ jitvā cālukya-[bhīma-tanayo] (vi)kramāditya Ekādaśa māsāN(|) tatas tālapa-rājasya
14suto yuddhamallaḥ sapta va(rṣāṇi| taṁ jitvā ko)llabigaṇḍa-(v)ijayāditya-suto bhīma-rājo
dvādaśa va(r)ṣā-
15ṇi| tasya mahe◯śvara-(mūrtteḥ bhīma)-bhū(pa)teḥ Umā-samānākr̥teḥ lokamahādevyāḥ ku-
16mārābhaḥ khalu ◯ ya(s samabhavad a)mmarājākhyaḥ Asau samyag dharmma-nyāyena veṁgī-deśaṁ
tri-
17-kaliṁga-sahitaṁ ra◯kṣati (sma)[.]
s{s}a samasta-bhuvanāśraya-śrī-vijayā-
23ditya-mahārājādhi(rā)[ja-pa](rame)[śvara](ḥ) parama-bhaṭṭārakaḥ parama-māheśvaraḥ
parama-brahmaṇyo mātā-pitr̥-pādānu-
24dhyāyī velanāṇḍu-(viṣaya)-nivāsi[no] (rāṣṭrakūṭa-pramukhā)n sarvv¿a?⟨ā⟩n kuṭ¡i!⟨u⟩ṁbinas samāhūyettham ājñāpayati
viditam a-
25stu vaḥ
tasmai ga-
57(ṇḍanārā)yaṇ¡(asya)!⟨āya⟩ (ve)lanā(ṇḍu)-viṣaye Āruṁbāka nāma grāma¿(ṁ)?⟨ḥ⟩ sarvva-kara-parihāraṁ
58[tāmra]-śāsa(nī-kr̥tya ma)yā datta (I)ti| bādapa-rājendreṇa datta⟦datta⟧ṁ grāma⟨⟨ṁ⟩⟩
svīkr̥¡tvā!⟨tya⟩
⎘ plate 5r 59[sa] gaṇḍanārā(yaṇa)⟨ḥ⟩ (svayaṁ sva-mātur) nnāyamaṁbāyāḥ kanīyasī sahodarī sā-
60(ma?)kāṁbā ta(syāḥ pu)traś ca(ndeṇā)khyaḥ| tas(mai) candeṇākhyāya svīkr̥tam āruṁbāka
nāma
61(grā)ma{(ṁ)}m uda(ka)(-pūrvaṁ?) (pr)ādāT[.] taṁ grāma(ṁ svīkr̥)¡(tvā)!⟨tya⟩ (ca)nde¡n!ākhyaḥ kal¡ān!⟨āḥ⟩ svīkr̥¡tvā!⟨tya⟩ pūrṇṇacandra Iva bhrā-
62(ja)ti sma
tasya grāmasyāvadhayaḥ[.] pūrvva-
64taḥ ceṟakuṁballi[.] dakṣiṇataḥ śrīpūṇḍi[.] paścimataḥ kāvūru[.] Uttarataḥ gomaḍuvu|
Asya grāma-
65syopari na kenacid bādhā ka(r)ttavyā[.] yaḥ karoti sa pañca-mahā-pātaka-saṁyukto bhavati|
vyās(e)nāp(y u)-
⎘ plate 5v 67k(t)aṁ
1-17Greetings. Satyāśraya Vallabhendra (Pulakeśin II) was eager to adorn the lineage of the majestic Cālukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hārītī, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed (to kingship) by Lord Mahāsena, to whom enemy territories instantaneously submit at the [mere] sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions (avabhr̥tha) of the Aśvamedha sacrifice. His brother Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana protected (pāl-) the land of Veṅgī for eighteen years. His son Jayasiṁha Vallabha (I), for thirty-three years. His younger brother Indrarāja’s (Indra Bhaṭṭāraka’s) son Viṣṇuvardhana (II), for nine. His son Maṅgi Yuvarāja, for twenty-five. His son Jayasiṁha (II), for thirteen. His younger brother, Kokkili, for six months. After dethroning him, his eldest brother Viṣṇuvardhana (III), for thirty-seven. His son Vijayāditya (I) Bhaṭṭāraka, for eighteen. His son Viṣṇuvardhana (IV), for thirty-six. His son Vijayāditya (II) Narendramr̥garāja, for forty-eight. His son Kali-Viṣṇuvardhana (V), for a year and a half. His son Vijayāditya (III) with the cognomen Guṇaga, for forty-four. The son of his younger brother the heir-apparent (yuvarāja) Prince (bhūpati) Vikramāditya, King (bhūpāla) Cālukya-Bhīma, for thirty. His son Kollabigaṇḍa Vijayāditya (IV), for six months. His son Ambarāja (Amma I), for seven years. After dethroning his son the child Vijayāditya (V), Tālapa, for one month. After defeating him, Cālukya-Bhīma’s son Vikramāditya (II), for eleven months. Then, King (rājan) Tālapa’s son Yuddhamalla, for seven years. After defeating him, Kollabigaṇḍa Vijayāditya’s son Bhīmarāja (II), for twelve years. A [son] who resembled Kumāra was born to that King (bhūpati) Bhīma, who was like Maheśvara, from none other than (his queen) Lokamahādevī, who was like Umā in appearance. Named Ammarāja (II), he protected (rakṣ-) the land of Veṅgī together with the three Kaliṅgas with proper piety (dharma) and justice (nyāya).
22-24That shelter of the entire universe (samasta-bhuvanāśraya), His Majesty Vijayāditya (Bādapa) the Supreme Lord (parameśvara) of Emperors (mahārājādhirāja), the Supreme Sovereign (parama-bhaṭṭāraka), supremely pious and supreme devotee of Maheśvara, humbly devoted to his mother and father,↓2 convokes and commands the householders (kuṭumbin)—including foremost the territorial overseers (rāṣṭrakūṭa)—who reside in Velanāṇḍu district (viṣaya) as follows:
24-25Let it be known to you [that]
56-62To that Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa I have granted the village named Āruṁbāka in Velanāṇḍu district (viṣaya), formulating a remission of all taxes in a copper edict. Having received the village granted by King (rājendra) Bādapa, that Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa himself—his mother Nāyamāṁbā has a younger co-uterine sister Sāmakāṁbā, [and] she has a son called Candeṇa↓9—[Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa] has given the received village named Āruṁbāka to that one called Candeṇa, [the donation being] sanctified by (a libation of) water. Upon receiving that village, the one called Candena became resplendent like the full moon upon receiving its digits [lost in its waning].
63-65The boundaries of that village [are as follows]. To the east, Ceṟakuṁballi. To the south, Śrīpūṇḍi. To the west, Kāvūru. To the north, Gomaḍuvu. Let no-one pose an obstacle (to his enjoyment of his rights) over that village. He who does so, shall be conjoined with the five great sins.
66-67Vyāsa too has said,
1-17Prospérité ! Kubja Viṣṇuvardhana, frère de Satyāśraya Vallabhendra, qui orne la dynastie des Cālukya, illustres, du même gotra que les descendants de Manu, loués dans l’univers entier, descendants de Hārīti, ayant reçu leur royaume par la faveur de l’excellente Kauśikī, protégés par les Mères réunies, méditant aux pieds du seigneur Mahāsena, eux dont les cercles ennemis ont été soumis en un instant à la vue du signe illustre du sanglier, faveur octroyée par le bienheureux Nārāyaṇa, eux dont les corps ont été purifiés grâce aux bains consécutifs à l’aśvamedha, a protégé la contrée de Veṅgī pendant dix huit années. Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant trente-trois [ans] ; Le fils d’Indrarāja, frère cadet de ce dernier, Viṣṇuvardhana, pendant neuf [ans] ; Le fils de celui-ci, Maṁgi, le prince héritier, pendant vingt-cinq [ans] ; Son fils Jayasiṁha pendant treize [ans] ; Le successeur de ce dernier, Kokkili, pendant six mois ; Son frère aîné, Viṣṇuvardhana, après l’avoir chassé, pendant trente-sept [ans] ; Le fils de celui-ci, Vijayāditya, l’illustre seigneur, pendant dix-huit [ans] ; Son fils Viṣṇuvardhana pendant trente-six [ans] ; Le fils de ce dernier,Vijayāditya Narendra Mr̥garāja, pendant quarante [ans]↓10 ; Son fils Kali Viṣṇuvardhana pendant un an et demi ; Son fils Vijayāditya↓11 pendant quarante↓12 [ans] ; Le fils du roi Vikramāditya, prince héritier et frère cadet de ce dernier, le roi Cālukya Bhīma pendant trente [ans] ; Le fils de ce dernier, Kollabigaṇḍa Vijayāditya, pendant six mois ; Son fils, le roi Amma, pendant sept [ans] ; Après avoir chassé le fils de celui-ci, Vijayāditya, alors qu’il était enfant, Tālapa [régna] pendant un mois ; Après avoir vaincu ce dernier, le fils du roi Cālukya Bhīma, Vikramāditya [régna] pendant onze mois ; Puis, fils du roi Tālapa, Yuddhamalla pendant sept [ans] ; Ayant vaincu celui-ci, le fils de Kollabigaṇḍa Vijayāditya, le roi Bhīma, [régna] pendant douze [ans] ; Du roi Bhīma, manifestation de Maheśvara, et de Lokamahādevī, dont la beauté était telle que celle d’Umā, naquit celui qui était vraiment semblable à Kumāra, le roi nommé Amma, qui régna sur le royaume de Veṁgī et sur les trois Kaliṁga conformément en tout point au dharma.
22-25celui-ci, refuge de l’univers entier, illustre, Vijayāditya, souverain suprême des grands rois, excellent seigneur, excellent dévôt de Māheśvara, très pieux, qui médite aux pieds de sa mère et de son père, ordonne ceci à tous les chefs de famille rassemblés, habitant le viṣaya de Velanāṇḍu, rāṣṭrakūṭa en tête : qu’il soit connu de vous que :
56-62J’ai donné à ce Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa, le village nommé Āruṁbāka, dans le viṣaya de Velanāṇḍu, exempté de toute taxe, [moi] qui ai fait cet édit de cuivre. Ayant pris possession de ce village donné par le roi des rois Bādapa, Gaṇḍanārāyaṇa, l’a donné à sa mère Nāyamaṁbā. La jeune sœur de celle-ci est Sāmakāṁbā. Le fils de cette dernière est appelé Candeṇa. Après en avoir pris possession, elle a donné à [son fils] appelé Candeṇa le village nommé Āruṁbāka, après avoir fait une libation d’eau. Ayant pris possession de ce village, le nommé Candeṇa resplendit comme la pleine lune quand elle s’est approprié ses [seize] quartiers.
63-65 Les limites de ce villages [sont] : à l’est Ceṟukuṁ balli, au sud Śrīpūṇḍi, à l’ouest Kāvūru, au nord Gomaḍuvu. Aucune charge ne doit lui être imposée à ce village, celui qui en impose est lié aux cinq grands crimes.
66-67Vyāsa a dit :
According to Lakshmana Rao, the last letter of the seal legend (śa) is below the rest, to the proper right of the boar emblem. The seal is rather weathered and the published photo is not too clear, so I can only guess where this may be.
The second plate is broken in a roughly vertical line affecting all text lines, and with a small fragment between the two lost, affecting the first three lines of 2r and the last three lines of 2r. I see no need to encode the fragments in the edition.
As Lakshmana Rao observes, the karṇa-rājākhya-vallabha in line 17 is the Rāṣṭrakūṭa king Kr̥ṣṇa III. He assumes that our poet wrongly Sanskritised his Prakritic name Kaṇṇa to Karṇa. This is possible, but the locus is damaged. Both in LR’s estampage and in the photos, the shape of ṇ is distinguishable and there is a hint of a repha above it. But there is rough corrosion below the body, so the reading kaṇha or kaṇṇa cannot be excluded, though Lakshmana Rao may have seen more of rṇa in the original.
The caesura is obscured by sandhi in v2a and b (sragdharā, second caesura in both cases) and 11c (śārdūlavikrīḍita), vāgm: īndra. There is a flat yatibhaṅga in verse 8 (śārdūlavikrīḍita), pāda c, splitting ane: kam. Also in 9b (śārdūlavikrīḍita), splitting san: tr̥pti. Also in 11b, splitting mukt: ā-hāra. Verse 11 (śārdūlavikrīḍita) has a compound across pādas ab. The enjambement of v24ab (anuṣṭubh) involves a break in ādhi/rājo. Interesting is the use of a punctuation mark at the end of v15c (anuṣṭubh), where a compound continues into the next quarter. In v28 (āryā) there is syncopation from the second to the third foot of the second half.
The prose passage tasya maheśvara-mūrtteḥ bhīma-bhūpateḥ Umā-samānākr̥teḥ lokamahādevyāḥ kumārābhaḥ khalu yas samabhavad ammarājākhyaḥ (ll15-16) is almost identical to stanza 1 of the Elavaṟṟu grant of Amma II (an āryā stanza), and to stanza 10 of the Kalucuṁbaṟṟu grant of Amma II. It thus seems likely that this text, in verse form, was already used in grants of Amma I, from which it must have been adopted (clumsily) here and (carefully) in that grant of Amma II. Or, could Bādapa’s clerks have been using a grant of Amma II as a model, given that both refer to the king as Vijayāditya?
Reported in ARIE 1920-1921: page 17, appendix A/1920–1921, № 16 with discussion in ARIE 1920-1921: 90–91. Edited from inked impressions (made by G. Venkoba Rao) and from the original plates by K. V. Lakshmana Rao (1927-1928: pages 137–148, № 1), with translation and facsimile (and photo of the seal). The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of Lakshmana Rao’s edition with his facsimiles and with (mediocre) photos from http://museumsofindia.gov.in/repository/record/nat_del-56-121-2-23384.
↑1. Or, “defeating those who needed to be defeated.” See the apparatus to line 18.
↑2. While I consistently translate the phrase (pāda+)anudhyāta, occurring in almost all Cālukya plates, as “deliberately appointed by,” the construction
here is with °ānudhyāyin. Thus, the composer of this text had in mind “meditation on the mother’s and father’s
feet,” or at least a humble devotion to the persons of the mother and father. This
in turn may mean that the standard phrase with (pāda+)anudhyāta was also understood to have this latter meaning by this time in the Cālukya chancellery.
Compare Ferrier and Törzsök 2008: 109.
↑3. See the apparatus to line 26 about the reading of this name.
↑4. This element of my translation is based on a tentative conjectural restoration for
which see the apparatus to line 29. It is also possible that the clause about travellers’
clothes and the wind is not connected to the mention of bandits.
↑5. See the apparatus to line 31 for the conjectural reading on which this translation
is based.
↑6. The text is problematic here, see the apparatus to line 38. The meaning of the original
may be slightly different.
↑7. The intended meaning of the repetitions of the word bhava may be slightly different, perhaps involving abhava-karuṇā, compassion towards those who lack prosperity.
↑8. There is again some uncertainty in the text at this point, see the apparatus to line
43. Whatever the correct reading is, the meaning is much the same as that translated
here.
↑9. This genealogical information is enclosed, parenthetically as it were, in the sentence
about passing on the grant.
↑10. Les autres inscriptions attestent un règne de 44 années.
↑11. Ce roi porte le nom de Guṇagāṁka dans les autres inscriptions.
↑12. Les autres inscriptions mentionnent un règne de quarante-quatre ans.
↑13. Allusion à l’arc invincible d’Arjuna.
↑14. Ce biruda celui des vers suivants semble faire allusion à l’évergétisme du roi qui
finance des travaux d’irrigation. Ce composé n’apparaît pas dans les autres inscriptions
du corpus.
↑15. Laṭānuprāsa fondé sur le terme bhava qui est employé dans trois sens différents.
↑16. L’ordre des pāda n’a pu être conservé.