Current Version: draft, 2025-01-15Z
Editor: Dániel Balogh.
DHARMA Identifier: INSVengiCalukya00023
Hand Description:
Halantas are formed like regular non-final consonants (perhaps slightly reduced in size), complete with headmarks, but with a conspicuous sinuous vertical stroke attached to the headmark, which looks much like a repha (compare e.g. in l27 śarmmaṇe). Examples: T in l29 kenaciT (with a particularly large and elaborate mark). N in l18 pramukhāN; l33 pārtthivendrāN; l35 pratāpavāN; l38 śrīmāN.
Original punctuation. The basic punctuation sign is a perfectly straight, simple vertical, as high as a character body, e.g. l8 nāmadheyasya| or slightly shorter (not reaching the baseline), e.g. l10 yasya|. In the doubled version (e.g. after l14 dhvananti, l34 bhavadbhiḥ) the second stroke is shorter than the first. Tapering series of more than two bars are used after l11, rājaḥ (two bars and a dot); l36 dharmmaḥ (three bars and a small circle); and at the very end, after l40 gaṇyaḥ (unclear, but probably three bars). The punctuation marks at the end of v1 and v2 are single short verticals at mid-height. The maṅgala symbol in L1, transcribed by Khare as oṁ, is a short dextrorse spiral resembling a G or a figure 6.
Other palaeographic observations. The script has the classical "early Telugu-Kannada" look, with relatively larger character bodies and much more line curvature than the hand characteristic of several other grants of Vijayāditya III. Anusvāra is written inline, as a circle at head height, e.g. l1 śrīmatāṁ, saṁstūyamānam, gotrānāṁ, etc. La is what Kielhorn calls a later, cursive form, where the body is reduced to nothing, and the tail curls all the way to the right and up (so essentially a sinistrorse spiral). Kielhorn also points out the later, cursive kha (a good example is l12, khaḍge), and the ba and ja open on the left. The conjunct ṇṇ has a cursive form in which the subscript part is merely a loop, identical in appearance to subscript n (as e.g. in l14, badhnanti and l15, dhāmni). Kielhorn thus reads ṇn and emends to ṇṇ in l20 veṇṇiyāma and l26 prakīrṇṇe, but I prefer to see these glyphs as a legitimate form of ṇṇ. However, a fully fledged subscript ṇ is found in l22 ṣaṇṇān. Superscript r is a slightly sinuous vertical ending in a hook to the right, resembling a mirrored question mark. In l18 sarvvān, the engraver seems to have accidentally created a mirror image of this first (with a hook to the left, like a regular question mark), and then corrected it by continuing the stroke upward and adding a second hook to the right. This is not an ā marker, which is prominently attached to the body of the primary consonant, just as in l16 sarvvātmanā.
No metadata were provided in the table for this inscription
⎘ plate 1v 1svasti⟨.⟩ śrīmatāṁ sakala-bhuvana-saṁstūyamāna-mānavya-sagotrāṇāṁ hāritī-pu-
2(t)r[āṇāṁ] kauśikī-vara-prasāda-labdha-rājyānāṁ mātr̥-gaṇa-paripālitānāṁ svāmi-
3-ma◯hāsena-pādānudhyātā(nā)ṁ bhagavan-nārāyaṇa-prasāda-samāsādi-
4ta◯-vara-varāha-lā(ñ)cha[ne](kṣa)ṇa-kṣaṇa-(va)śī(k)r̥tārāti-maṇḍalānām aśvamedhāvabhr̥-
5(tha-snā)na-pavitrīkr̥ta-vapuṣāṁ cālukyānāṁ kulam alaṁkariṣṇoḥ sa(ma)sta-bhuva-
⎘ plate 2r 6 (nā)śraya-śrī-vijayāditya-ma(hārā)jasya sakala-dig-aṁganā-lalāṭikāyamāna-
7-yaśo-m⟦ā⟧⟨⟨a⟩⟩ṇḍalasya gaṁga-kula-kālā(na)lasya kali-kāla-ma(da)-bhañjanasya cālukyā-
8rjju◯na-nāmadheyasya|
tasya pri(ya)-tanayaḥ sarvva-lokāśraya-śrī-viṣṇuv⟦i⟧⟨⟨a⟩⟩rddhana-mahā-
⎘ plate 2v 11 rājaḥ|
tasya priya-tanayaḥ|
sa (sa)masta-bhuvanāśraya-śrī-vijayāditya-mahārājaḥ gudravāra-
18-vi◯(ṣa)ye sarvvān eva rāṣṭrakūṭa-pramukhāN kuṭuṁbina Ittham ājñāpayati
vidita-
19m astu vo [’](smā)bhiḥ Urppu(ṭū)ru-vāstavyasya kauśika-gotrasya Āpastaṁba-
20-sūtrasya veṇ(ṇ)i(ya)-vaṁśasya tūrkka(śa)rmmaṇaḥ pautrāya ṣaṭ-karmma-
⎘ plate 3v 21 -niratāya taittirīya-gr̥has¿dh?⟨th⟩āya veda-vedāṁga-vidaḥ dāmoda-
22raśarmmaṇaḥ putrāya|
tasmai vinayaḍiśarmmaṇe candra-grahaṇa-nimitte sarvva-kara-
28-pa◯rihā(rī)-kr̥tya (dr̥?)(ṇ)(ṭapa?)(ṟ)u nāma grā(mo da)ttaḥ
(ta)s(yāva)dhayaḥ⟨.⟩ pūrvvato dakṣiṇa-
29taś c⟦i⟧⟨⟨u⟩⟩ Aṁgalūru⟨.⟩ paścimataḥ (vel)pūru⟨.⟩ Uttarataḥ cavi(ṭa?)(paṟ)u⟨.⟩ Asyopari
kenaciT bādhā
30na karttavyā⟨.⟩ yaḥ karoti sa pañcabhiḥ mahā-pātakair yyukto bhavati⟨.⟩ (vyā)s(e)nāpy
uktaṁ
1-8Greetings. His Majesty King (mahārāja) Vijayāditya (II), shelter of the entire universe (samasta-bhuvanāśraya), called Cālukyārjuna, was eager to adorn the lineage of the majestic Caḷukyas—who are of the Mānavya gotra which is praised by the entire world, who are sons of Hāritī, who attained kingship by the grace of Kauśikī’s boon, who are protected by the band of Mothers, who were deliberately appointed (to kingship) by Lord Mahāsena, to whom the realms of adversaries instantaneously submit at the [mere] sight of the superior Boar emblem they have acquired by the grace of the divine Nārāyaṇa, and whose bodies have been hallowed through washing in the purificatory ablutions (avabhr̥tha) of the Aśvamedha sacrifice. The nimbus of his reputation was a forehead ornament for all the ladies who are the quarters of the compass; he was the fire of destruction for the Gaṅga house, and he shattered the obstinacy of the Kali age.
10-11The dear son of that (Vijayāditya II) was King (mahārāja) Viṣṇuvardhana (V), the shelter of all the world (sarva-lokāśraya).
14His dear son
17-18That [son,] His Majesty King (mahārāja) Vijayāditya (III), the shelter of the entire universe (samasta-bhuvanāśraya), commands all householders (kuṭumbin)—including foremost the territorial overseers (rāṣṭrakūṭa)—who reside in Gudravāra district (viṣaya) as follows:
18-22Let it be known to you that we [have given] to the grandson of Tūrkaśarman of the lineage of Veṇṇiya, of the Kauśika gotra and the Āpastamba sūtra, a resident of Urpuṭūru; the son of Dāmodaraśarman who was familiar with the Vedas and Vedāṅgas; [to this son who is] a householder (gr̥hastha) of the Taittirīya school devoted to the six duties (of a Brahmin),
27-28to that Vinayaḍiśarman, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, we have given the village named ¿Dr̥ṇṭa?paṟu, converted into [a holding] exempt from all taxes.
28-30Its boundaries [are as follows]. To the east and to the south, Aṁgalūru. To the west, Velpūru. To the north, Cavi¿ṭa?paṟu. Let no-one pose an obstacle (to his enjoyment of his rights) over it. He who does so shall be conjoined with the five great sins. Vyāsa too has said:
1-8Prospérité ! [ Le fils] de l’illustre grand roi Vijayāditya, refuge de l’univers entier, ornement de la lignée des Calukya, illustres, du même gotra que les descendants de Manu, honorés dans l’univers entier, fils de Hāritī, qui obtinrent leur royaume grâce à l’excellente faveur de Kauśikī, protégés par la troupes des Mères, méditant aux pieds du seigneur Mahāsena, dont le cercle des ennemis fut soumis en un instant à la vue du signe illustre de l’excellent sanglier, faveur octroyée par le bienheureux Nārāyaṇa, dont les corps furent purifiés par le bain purificatoire de l’aśvamedha, [ Vijayāditya], dont l’auréole de gloire est inscrite au santal sur le front des femmes de tous les horizons, feu destructeur de la lignée des Gaṅga, qui brisa l’orgueil de l’âge Kali, qui portait le nom de Cālukyārjuna,↓4
10-11son cher fils [fut] l’illustre grand roi, refuge de tous les hommes, Viṣṇuvarddhana.
14Son cher fils,
17-18L’illustre grand roi, refuge de tous les hommes, Vijayāditya, ordonne ceci à tous les habitants, rāṣṭrakūṭa en tête, dans le viṣaya de Gudravāra :
18-22qu’il soit connu de vous qu’au petit-fils de Tūrkaśarman, habitant à Urpuṭūru, du gotra de Kauśika, qui suivait le sūtra Āpastaṁba, ... , au fils de Dāmodaraśarman, qui se consacre à ses six devoirs, maître de l’école des Taittiriya, connaissseur des Veda et Vedāṁga,
27-28[celui-ci] donne à Vinayaḍiśarman, à l’occasion de l’éclipse de lune, le village de Ṭraṇḍa¿pa?ṟu, exempté de toute taxe.
28-30Les limites [sont] à l’est et au sud Aṁgalūru, à l’ouest Velpūru, au nord Caviṭapaṟu. Aucune charge ne doit lui être imposée, celui qui en impose est lié aux cinq grands crimes. Vyāsa a dit :
The original plates were not available when Kielhorn edited them from Sir Walter Elliot’s estampages and brief notes, provided to him by Fleet. He had no image of the seal and reported the legend from Elliot’s notes as “Tribhuvanāṁkuśa.” Kielhorn is, moreover, expressly unsure whether the notes really belong to this set of impressions. According to these notes, the plates were received from Mr. Porter, Collector of Masulipatam. For this reason, I used the name “Ṭraṇḍapaṟu grant” in the earlier versions of my digital edition. But photos of the original have cast doubt on the reading of this name, so I now prefer the vagueness of “Masulipatam Plates” to the uncertainty of the former.
At present, I prefer to read the name of the donated village, contra Kielhorn, as Dr̥ṇṭapaṟu. It is located in Gudravāra viṣaya, and is bordered on the east and south by Aṁgalūru, on the west by Velpūru, and on the north by Caviṭapaṟu (in whose name the ṭa is uncertain). Gudravāra is the surrounds of modern Gudivada. I propose to identify the donated village with the “Dintakurru” found on the 1955 AMS Topographical Map (NE-44-15) or Seri Dintakurru at 16.40496, 81.03906 (a mere 6.5 km ESE of Gudivada) There is a larger village named Angaluru 2 km to the S, which may be identical to the Aṁgalūru of the grant. 1.3 km to the W of the location of Dintakurru, Google Maps (but no other map that I have searched on) shows a place named Serivelpuru. Seri apparently means tax-free or privately owned land, so this may well be our Velpūru. And 1.2 km to the N of Dintakurru, there is a Chowtapalli (Chavutapalle on the AMS map), which I identify as our Caviṭapaṟu. Although among these, Angaluru is the only accurate match (and according to the India Place Finder utility, there is no other locality in the whole of Krishna District with even a remotely similar name), the similarity of the other toponyms, combined with the correspondence of their layout to the directions specified in the grant, together provide enough indirect evidence to make the identification quite secure. Although the r̥ of Dr̥ṇṭapaṟu is quite unexpected in a presumably vernacular name (although compare Dr̥ṇṭhamapūṇḍi in the Paḷaṁkalūru grant of Amma II), the existence of the modern toponym Dintakurru also serves as circumstantial corroboration for this reading.
The original plates are now in the Walter Elliot collection of the University of Edinburgh, but without the seal. There is, however, an Eastern Cālukya seal (bearing the legend śrī-tribhuvanāṁkuśa) with Coll-1860/CP4 in the same collection. The latter is a Vijayanagar grant written in Nandināgarī, so while it is not impossible that a Cālukya seal had been reused in that grant, it is much more likely that the seal has been misplaced and it in fact belongs to the present charter of Vijayāditya III.
All or most of line 21 is a palimpsest, where earlier writing had been beaten or polished out before engraving the current text. In the rubbinhs, only the two i markers noted in the apparatus for line 21 are discernible. To the left of these, the plate’s surface is corroded; if there was earlier writing here (which I believe must have been the case), then there are no traces of it left. But from this point to the end of the line, numerous vestiges can be discerned. They are in the same script as the charter, but probably a different hand, which uses smoothly curved headmarks, somewhat smaller character bodies, and longer descenders. The two i markers may belong to the word likhita. This is almost certainly followed by nr̥pati. The next three deleted characters seem to be candroya, but this is only an approximation. Around the present dāṁgavi, no vestiges can be made out due to corrosion. Behind the present da, there is a recognisable ta, then a narrow illegible character, then probably kāT| prathamata. I detect no previous writing anywhere else in the charter.
In stanza 3 (sragdharā), we have a glide sandhi fusion between lines a and b, the first time I’ve ever seen this happen, and a more regular fused caesura in line c at the second caesura. There are also fused caesurae in Stanza 5 (mandākrāntā) in line c, and in stanza 10 (sragdharā) at the second point in line b.
Edited from estampages by F. Kielhorn (1898-1899: pages 122–126, № B), with an abstract of the contents and with partial inked rubbings produced by Sir Walter Elliot and supplied by Fleet.↓8Subsequently noticed in ARIE 1962-1963: page 49, appendix A/1962–63, № 19. The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of Kielhorn’s text with his facsimiles where avilable, with photos of the original,↓9 and with inked impressions from Sir Walter Elliot’s collection.↓10
↑1. The vignette probably means that the wives, daughters or serving maids of his enemies
pick up chowries to propitiate Viṣṇuvardhana and avert his assault, or that they anticipate
becoming serving maids in Viṣṇuvardhana’s court.
↑2. An invasion of bees (bhr̥ṅga) and the howling of jackals are both ill omens, as pointed out by Kielhorn who cites
the Harṣacarita for both. Bees frequently build their hives in abandoned ruins, so the meaning there
may simply be that they anticipate the ruin of those palaces.
↑3. I am forced to agree with Kielhorn that this convoluted stanza “does not admit of
a proper construction.” My translation shows the way I believe the composer intended
the stanza to work. As pointed out by Kielhorn, mahā-sattvatā as pertaining to the king means magnanimity, but for the ocean it means that it houses
large creatures.
↑4. Première occurrence dans notre corpus de ce biruda.
↑5. Le terme sattva désigne à la fois le courage, la qualité des kṣatriya et le guṇa brahmanique. Le roi condense les vertus des kṣatriya et des brahmanes.
↑6. La construction est sans doute fautive : le sujet du verbe prabhajati est absent. De plus l’adjectif bhītan, masculin singulier, ne peut qualifier, grammaticalement, que yam, soit le roi. Mais
le sens n’est pas satisfaisant, on attendrait plutôt bhīto.
↑7. Il est aussi question de ce personnage dans les insc. nos 35, str.2 ; 37, str. 10,
41.
↑8. The published facsimiles are incomplete, lacking pages 3r, 3v, 4v and 5r, at least
in the reprint of Epigraphia Indica.
↑9. Taken by Emmanuel Francis at the Edinburgh University Library.
↑10. Scans of these impressions were obtained by Emmanuel Francis from the Edinburgh University
Library, the Bibliothèque nationale de France and the British Museum.