Current Version: draft, 2024-09-02Z
Editor: Dániel Balogh.
DHARMA Identifier: INSVengiCalukya00005
Hand Description:
Halantas. T: l1 śrīmaT, smallish ta shape with long stem and no headmark; note use of T in what is normally viewed as a compound. l1 vāsakāT, same. M: all instances are unclear in the scan. Perhaps a small ma shape with the right-hand arm elongated, but perhaps simplified into a single stroke like a check mark or a Latin capital J.
Original punctuation. The opening symbol seems to be a fairly small dextrorse spiral, transcribed by Somasekhara Sarma as oṁ. It rather resembles a clock face with a single hand around 7 o’clock.
Other palaeographic observations. Subscript m is usually cursively simplified into a loop lying on its side. The numerals 10, 8 and 5 occur in the date (l24). Of these the sign for 10, occurring twice, is of a shape unfamiliar to me. It is as if it were rotated 90 degrees counterclockwise, so that it resembles a southern ma rather than an alpha. Both the ARIE report and SS read it without comment or hesitation as 10, and this must indeed be its meaning. Somewhat similar forms of 10 seem to occur in inscriptions of the Gaṅgas of Kaliṅga.
No metadata were provided in the table for this inscription
⎘ plate 1v 1spiralRsvasti śrīmaT-kallūra-vāsakāT[.] svāmi-bhaṭṭāraka-pāda-padma-prasādā-
2vāptarājyānāṁ hārītī-priya-putrāṇāṁ mānavya-sagotrāṇām aśva-
3medha-yā◯jināṁ calukyānāṁ kula-jaladhi-samudbhūta-rāja-ratna-
4sya sakala◯-jagad-ārtti-hara-karmmaṇaḥ śrī-kīrttivarmmaṇaḥ priya-
5-naptā sva-pitur anūna-guṇa-gaṇo¡d!⟨dd⟩yotita-rociṣṇor aidaṁyugīna-ma-
6hāviṣṇoḥ viṣṇuvarddhana-mahārājasya priya-tanayaḥ|
⎘ plate 2r 7 pravarddhamāna-pratāpopanamita-ripu-nr̥pati-makuṭa-taṭa-ghaṭita-ma-
8ṇi-mayūkha-mañjarī-puñja-piñjarita-caraṇāravinda-yugalaḥ para-
9ma-brahmaṇyo ◯ mātā-pitr̥-pādānuddhyātaḥ śrī-p¡ri!⟨r̥⟩thivī-jayasiṁha-
10-vallabha-ma◯hārājaḥ pḻakki-viṣayam adhivāsinaḥ kuṭumbinaḥ
11samājñāpayati
yathā maudgalya-sagotrasya kauthuma-chando-
12ga-sabrahmacāriṇaḥ kumāraśarmmaṇaḥ pautrābhyāṁ vasuśarmmaṇaḥ
⎘ plate 2v 13 putrābhyāM vinayaśa⟨r⟩ma-viṣṇuśarmmabhyā(ṁ) trisahasra-pāragābhyāM
14ṣaṭ-karmma-niratābhyāM Asmad-āyur-ārogya-jaya-yaśo¡t!i-
15vr̥ddhaye ◯ soma-grahaṇe Udaka-pūrvvaṁ kr̥tvā Ādivāse
16punnāgapa◯dr¿a?⟨e⟩ ¿vastādi(ṁ)?⟨vasatiṁ⟩ kr̥tvā kuḻivāṭaka-kṣetra-sahitaṁ pa-
17ścima-khaṇḍa¿ḥ?⟨ṁ⟩ sarvva-kara-parīhāreṇāgrahāraṁ kr̥tvā Ā-candrārka-
18-tārakam mayā saṁprattaM
tad viditvā yathocitaṁ bhāga-bhoga-
⎘ plate 3r 19 m upanayantaḥ sukha¿ḥ?⟨ṁ⟩ prativasatha{ḥ}[.] kaiścid api bādhā na kartta-
20vyā[.] vyāsa-gītāḥ
Ājñapti(ḥ)
24parameśvaravarmmā[.] saṁ 10 8 he 8 di 10 5dotLowdotLowdotLow
1-11Greetings from the majestic residence at Kallūra. The dear grandson of His Majesty Kīrtivarman, whose actions dispel the suffering of all the world, a jewel of a king arisen from the ocean that is the family of the Calukyas—who attained kingship by grace of the lotus feet of Lord Bhaṭṭāraka, who are the darling sons of Hārītī, who are of the Mānavya gotra and who have performed the Aśvamedha sacrifice—; the dear son of King (mahārāja) Viṣṇuvardhana, a [veritable] Supreme Viṣṇu of this epoch, who is resplendent because he is illuminated by a host of virtues not inferior to those of his father; [namely] His Majesty the supremely pious King (mahārāja) Pr̥thivī-Jayasiṁha Vallabha, who was deliberately appointed [as heir] by his mother and father, whose pair of lotus feet are engilded by a mass of beam clusters from gems fitted to the surfaces of the crowns of enemy kings forced to bow by his ever-increasing valour, commands the householders (kuṭumbin) of Pḻakki district (viṣaya) [as follows].
11-18To wit: to the grandsons of Kumāraśarman of the Maudgalya gotra and of the school the Kauthuma-Chandogas, the sons of Vasuśarman, [namely] to Vinayaśarman and Viṣṇuśarman—who have fully perused the three thousand (trisahasra-pāraga)↓1 and are devoted to the six duties (of a Brahmin)—on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, in order to further augment our (my) vitality, health, victory and glory, having performed (a libation of) water, I have assigned a homestead (vasati) in their original domicile (ādi-vāsa) in (the village) Punnāgapadra, and donated the western part (of that village) together with the Kuḻivāṭaka field, converted into a rent-free holding (agrahāra) by a remission of all taxes, (to remain their property) as long as the moon, sun and stars [remain].
18-20Having learned this, you shall continue living in equanimity, providing for them the appropriate dues (bhāga) and commodities (bhoga). Let no-one pose an obstacle (to their enjoyment of their rights). [The following verses were] sung by Vyāsa:
23-24The executor (ājñapti) is Parameśvaravarman. Year 18, the 8th [fortnight] of the winter [season], day 15.
1-12Om ! Prospérité ! De la résidence de l’illustre Kallūra, le cher petit-fils de l’illustre de Kīrtivarman, joyau des rois nés dans l’océan qu’est la lignée des Calukya,↓2 destructeur des souffrances de tout l’univers, [rois] qui ont obtenu leur royaume à la faveur des pieds de lotus du seigneur Bhaṭṭāraka, fils de Hārītī, du même gotra que les descendants de Manu, qui pratiquent l’aśvamedha, le cher fils du grand roi Viṣṇuvardhana, grand Viṣṇu du yuga,↓3 brillant et luisant d’une multitude de vertus qui n’étaient pas inférieures à celle de son père, l’illustre grand roi Pr̥thivī Jayasiṁha Vallabha, dont les deux pieds de lotus sont rougis par les bourgeons que sont les rayons émis par les pierres serties sur l’orbe des diadèmes des rois ennemis, que son auguste majesté fait courber, très pieux, méditant aux pieds de sa mère et de son père, ordonne aux chefs de famille habitant le viṣaya de Pḻakki :
12-20je donne aux deux petit-fils de Kumāraśarman, du même gotra que les Maudgalya, disciple de l’école des Kauthuma Chandoga, aux deux fils de Vasuśarman, à Vinayaśarman et à Viṣṇuśarman, qui connaissent parfaitement les Trisahasra, dévoués à leurs six devoirs,↓4 en vue de l’accroissement de notre vie, santé, victoire et gloire, lors de l’éclipse de lune, après avoir fait une libation d’eau, à Ādivāsa, après avoir fait ?,↓5 une parcelle à l’ouest, jointe à des terrains de Kuḻivāṭaka, exemptés de toute taxe, en qualité d’agrahāra, pour aussi longtemps qu’existeront la lune et les étoiles. Sachant cela, ceux qui procurent la jouissance de ce lot vivent dans le bonheur. Aucune charge ne doit lui être imposée. Les vers de Vyāsa [sont] :
23-24L’exécuteur est Parameśvaravarman. La huitième quinzaine de Hemanta, dans la dix-huitième année (de règne).
Somasekhara Sarma (1955-1956: 136, hereafter: SS) argues that Guḍivāḍa Set 2 was issued first, creating the village of Kuḍivāḍa/Guḍivāḍa or creating an agrahāra from that village. Later on, Set 1 detached some of this land and granted it to Vinayaśarman and Viṣṇuśarman of the Maudgalya gotra, along with land detached from the village of Ādivāsa. Later or simultaneously, Set 3 compensated the original donees (Svāmiyaśas and Viṣṇuyaśas of the Vatsa gotra) by giving them land detached from the village of Kundūra.
SS’s editor finds his argument unconvincing, observing that both the village and the donee names are different in the first two grants, and the third grant seems to be a later modified copy of the second. The difference in donee names is a major part of SS’s point, and SS is in my opinion probably correct to assume that the Kuḻivāṭaka kṣetra of the first set is identical (or at least connected) to the Kuḍivāḍa of the other two sets, all being connected to modern Guḍivāḍa. However, both the second and third set definitely concern land split off from Kundūra, although Set 2 specifies the extent of this land while Set 3 does not, and Set 2 contains a clause about the brothers passing on a ninth of their grant to their nephew, while Set 3 describes the borders.
For some reason, SS entirely ignores the obvious toponym Punnāgapadra while treating the adjacent word ādivāsa as the name of a village. The expression in Set 1 (as received) is Ādivāse punnāgapadra vastādiṁ kr̥tvā kuḻivāṭaka-kṣetra-sahitaṁ paścima-khaṇḍaḥ … °āgrahāraṁ kr̥tvā. Here, vastādiṁ was apparently meant for vasatiṁ, as noted by SS’s editor, while SS himself tentatively offers a major emendation to punnāgopavana-gr̥ha-sthānam. The phrase is paralleled in Set 2 by kuḍivāḍa nāma grāma vasati kr̥tvā and in Set 3 by kuḍivāḍa nāma grāmaḥ vasatiṁ kr̥tvā, both followed by a description of the donated land being separated off existing villages. It is thus certain that vasatiṁ kr̥tvā was likewise intended in Set 1. Elsewhere in the corpus, the word vasati occurs in the sense of a Jain institution, but not in a meaning that would be appropriate for the present context, so I can only assume that it means a domicile or residence for the donee, equivalent to gr̥ha-sthānam (which SS suggested as an emendation, and which occurs in several cognate grants). The donees of all three Guḍivāḍa sets thus receive on the one hand a homestead plot, and on the other hand cultivable land. The homestead in the first set is in my opinion situated in a village named Punnāgapadra, while ādivāsa is not a toponym but a statement that this Punnāgapadra is in fact the place where the donees are already residing to begin with. The field they receive is the western part (paścima-khaṇḍa) of something, presumably of the fields of the same village Punnāgapadra, including or joined to (sahita) the field named Kuḻivāṭaka-kṣetra, which in agreement with SS I take to be connected to modern Guḍivāḍa. I find SS’s interpretation (that the donated land is the western part of the Kuḻivāṭaka-kṣetra) unacceptable.
Thus, there is no reason to believe that the land concerned by Set 1 overlaps with that concerned by the other two sets. The land in Set 2 and Set 3, whose donees are identical, is split off from the lands of the village Kundūra, and the homestead plot for the donees is in the village of Kuḍivāḍa. The difference between these two grants is that in Set 2 the amount of land is specified as 32 nivartanas, and a ninth share of this is passed on to the donees’ sister’s son. In Set 3, conversely, the extent of the land is left unsaid, there is no mention of passing anything on, but the boundaries of the land are listed. The description of the issuer, his predecessors, and of the donees is somewhat shorter in this latter set, but apart from the omission of some phrases, the descriptions are almost verbatim identical to those in Set 2. Given that the script of Set 3 exhibits some late-seeming features (such as the elaborate shape of ba and ja, and the occasional use of a single-stroke o marker such as in l15, Agniṣṭoma), I believe SS’s editor was correct to assume that Set 3 is essentially a reissue of Set 2. This may have been made a generation or two after the original issue, probably specifically for the purpose of describing the exact boundaries. The unique seal of Set 3, without a legend and a royal emblem, may mean that the reissue was from a regional authority, but there is no reason to suspect it of being a forgery.
S. Sarma is right to point out that dating by season (l24) is very unusual at this late time. The Puloṁbūra grant of Jayasiṁha I, also dated in this manner, is the reconfirmation of an earlier Viṣṇukuṇḍi grant. Another important observation of his is that since an eclipse of the moon must have taken place on a full-moon day, and the date is the 15th day of the last (8th) fortnight of winter, the months must have been reckoned as pūrṇimānta (unless the season change happened in the middle of a month, something I am not sure can be excluded).
Reported in ARIE 1945-1946: page 7, appendix A/1945–1946, № 1 with a brief mention at ARIE 1945-1946: 3. Edited from the original plates by M. Somasekhara Sarma(1955-1956: pages 129–133, № A), with estampages of the plates and photograph of the seal. The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on photographs taken by myself at the Eluru Archaeological Museum in 2023 and estampages kept at the ASI (Mysore), collated with Somasekhara Sarma’s edition.
↑1. See Sankaranarayanan 1977: 145–146 for a discussion of the term.
↑2. Ces deux composés : kula-jalanidhi-samudbhūta-rāja-ratnasya sakala-jagad-ā[r*]tti-hara-karmmaṇaḥ śrī-kīrttivarmaṇaḥ, qualifient aussi le biruda Kīrtivarman dans l’insc. n° 15. On retrouve également le premier dans les insc. nos
16, avec la variante kula-jaladhi°, et dans l’insc. n°19 avec la variante kula-jalanidhi-samutpanna°. Le second apparaît dans les insc. nos 15 et 17. Ces composés glosent toujours le
biruda Kīrtivarman.
↑3. Nous avons rencontré ce composé dans trois autres inscriptions du même roi (insc.
nos 15, 16, 17). Nous pouvons formuler l’hypothèse qu’il s’agit d’un dérivé à vr̥ddhi initiale sur la base du syntagme idaṁ yugam. Nous serions alors en présence d’un exemple assez intéressant de délocutivité, idam
référant au locuteur, donc au discours. Ce composé fait allusion à un exploit de Viṣṇu :
à la fin du Kaliyuga, Viṣṇu s’incarne en Kalki et remet les méchants sur la voie du
bien.
↑4. Sur les six devoirs cf. Manusmr̥ti, X, 75.
↑5. Ce passage demeure obscur.