Current Version: draft, 2025-01-09Z
Editor: Dániel Balogh.
DHARMA Identifier: INSBadamiCalukya00005
Hand Description:
No metadata were provided in the table for this inscription
mūlavaḷḷi-veḷmaḻtikavāḍa-(m/p)a(cc)anūr-ggaṅgavūr-puḷigeṟe-ga(ṇḍ)ava-grāma Iti Asya bhukti[.] gir¿i?⟨e⟩(s ta)ṭāt paścim¿a?⟨ā⟩bhigata nimūvārir ¡yyāva! mahā-pathānta-purasya s¿i?⟨ī⟩mā Uttarataḥ dakṣi(ṇato) 19[?2×] ga [?1×] na spiralR
2 jātaḥ FLK ◇ ¿j?⟨y⟩ātaḥ JFF1 JFF2
3 pol(e/i)keś¿i?⟨ī⟩ ◇ polekeś¿i?⟨ī⟩ JFF2 FLK; pulikeś¿i?⟨ī⟩ JFF1 • While the vowel of ḫ po is clear, the next character may be either li (with the stem closed into a loop, as in l8, malinaṁ) or le (with the vowel marker added inside the curl of the stem, as in l5, maṅgaleśaḥ). The mora-counting verse makes it clear that this o (and, if inscribed, e too) was definitely meant to be short, even if not distinguished from regular Sanskrit
o and e. The fact that i was engraved in place of ī at the end of the name is unrelated and accidental: shortening it by one mora would
not restore the metre if the preceding o (or o and e) had been long. More interestingly, the metre would scan correctly with a long o and e (and ī) if the subsequently inserted yaḥ were disregarded. However, yaḥ seems essential for the syntax (without it there would be two finite verbs with the
same subject), so the omission of this word also seems to be simple scribal error
and not the deliberate product of someone who pronounced the name with long vowels.
Fleet Fleet 1879: 237–238 discusses the reading and the relevant palaeography at length.
4 -majjanā • Kielhorn notes that majjanā may have been corrected to majjanaṁ in the stone, and if so, the text would parse as prāpitā avabhr̥tha-majjanaṁ, which he finds better. In the rubbing, there is no visible indication of ā being deleted. There is something above tā that may be an anusvāra, but it may also form part of the descender of ka (in ekanāthaḥ) above, or be simply damage. — 4 babhū(va) ◇ babhūva JFF1; babhū¿m?⟨v⟩a JFF2 FLK • Though the problematic character has an extra stroke that resembles the right arm
of ma, the body looks more like va (my impression is that ma has a wider and more angular body). I assume it is va with an erroneous stroke of the chisel. The word is followed by a space of about
one character because of the descenders of ḫpraka above. The next character, kī, slants to the right to minimise the skipped space, and its vowel mark touches the
descender of ka. — 4 -citt⟦e⟧⟨⟨a⟩⟩-⟨⟨vr̥tt(e)⟩⟩r • The pre-correction reading, citter, seems to be a result of eyeskip. A kākapada in the shape of a plain vertical line above head height between tte and ra indicates the locus of insertion.
6 ka¡ṭ!accuri- • I wonder if kaṭaccuri could instead be read as kaḷaccuri. I see no branching at the end of the stroke, but then again, e.g. aḷi in l8 looks much the same. Fleet’s note to his translation says that the letter is
“distinctly” ṭa, but he suspects that the engraver, working from a copy, mistakenly engraved ṭa instead of ḷa.
7 p⟦u⟧⟨⟨o⟩⟩l(e/i)keśi- FLK ◇ pulikeśi- JFF1 JFF2 • Kielhorn believes that p has markers for both u and o attached, and that the former seems to have been struck out. He is uncertain whether
the next character is le or li (I concur; see also the name in line 3), and seems to imply that la was at first engraved, then corrected into either le or li. This latter presumed correction is not encoded in this file.
8 ¡vvāri-vāsair! • Kielhorn and Fleet both emend to vārivāhair. The latter is definitely attested for cloud according to the PWG, but s for h does not look like a scribal mistake. The poet may have considered vārivāsa a legitimate word (abode of water = cloud?), though it seems to be attested (Abhidhānacintāmaṇi) only as a distiller of spirits. — 8 labdh⟨v⟩ā JFF2 ◇ labdhvā JFF1; lab(dhv)ā FLK • In the rubbing, labdhā can be made out with some difficulty, but I see no trace of a v.
9 -dhaṁsā(va)¡(ḷ)!⟨l⟩(ī-mekhalāṁ) ◇ -dhaṁsāvaḷī-mekhalāṁ FLK; -dhaṁsānadī-mekhalāṁ JFF1; -dhaṁsānad¿i?⟨ī⟩-mekhalāṁ JFF2 • Although Fleet and Kielhorn both print their readings as clear, in the facsimile
the segment tagged here as unclear is indistinct; only me and lā are recognisable. In addition to damage, the descenders of tyadvidyutpa above interfere with these characters. Going by the sense, Kielhorn’s reading seems
more likely. — 9 -durgga⟦(tām iva ga)⟧tām iva gataṁ JFF2 FLK ◇ -durgga⟦(tamitaga)⟧tām iva gataṁ JFF1 • Since the vestiges of the deleted characters seem to be correct and properly shaped,
the only reason for their deletion that I can think of is to correct dittography by
eyeskip: the artisan engraved durggatām iva ga, then skipped back thinking he was in the word durgga (which implies that he understood the text and mouthed it as he worked, otherwise
he would not have mixed up ga with rgga), thus ending up with durggatām iva gatām iva, and the dittography was noticed later and struck out. — 9 ta(t-kṣa)ṇe • Although Fleet and Kielhorn both print this reading as clear and it fits the context
perfectly, in the rubbing the character read as tkṣa looks more like dgra.
11 -caryyāc(ā?)ryyā FLK ◇ -caryyā varyyā JFF1 JFF2 • The scanned estampage seems to confirm Fleet’s reading, but ca cannot be excluded, and the fact that no ā is discernible does not count for much, since I cannot see one in cākāri later in this line, either. Kielhorn’s reading and interpretation may be slightly
better, mainly because in Fleet’s reading and interpretation, pratāpopanatā and daṇḍopanata essentially mean the same and have the same referent.
12 rev¿o?⟨ā⟩- JFF2 FLK ◇ revā- JFF1 — 12 -śobhāvandhya- FLK ◇ -śobhā van¿dh?⟨d⟩ya- JFF1 JFF2 — 12 °opakaṇṭh¿ā?⟨aḥ⟩ ◇ °opakaṇṭhā JFF1 JFF2; °opakaṇṭh⟦o⟧⟨⟨aḥ⟩⟩<<°opakaṇṭhaḥ corr. ex o>> FLK • In Kielhorn’s opinion, °opakaṇṭho was initially engraved, but the two lines for the o were struck out again, (I assume, but he does not say so, that he believes a visarga was inserted subsequently). As far as the scanned rubbing is concerned, I see no
indication of this: the ā marker is quite clear, but I see no trace of a second marker attached to the wings
(compare daṇḍopanata, l11), nor of one attached to the body, nor does there even seem to have been space
for a marker on the left. I also see no visarga. Nonetheless, I agree with Kielhorn that the intended reading was this. — 12 -varjy¿ā?⟨o⟩ FLK ◇ -varjyā JFF1 JFF2 — 12 var(ṣ)maṇā FLK ◇ var¿p?⟨ṣ⟩maṇā⟨ṁ⟩ JFF1 JFF2 — 12 {sva} • As both Fleet and Kielhorn observe, one instance of sva is redundant and hypermetrical. Kielhorn thinks the one at the end of line 12 may
already have been struck out in the original, but I see no indication of this in the
estampage. — 12 sa-ko⟨sa⟩lāẖ • I wonder: possibly what looks like a superfluous i attached to ddha in the lext line is in fact a sa to be inserted here? Probably not; an interlinear addition could have been better
placed slightly higher and to the right.
13 piṣṭaṁ • These characters are very narrow and unclear in the facsimile. My hunch is that
initially there may have been a visarga and a punctuation mark belonging to the end of stanza 26 here, followed by just one
piṣṭa (eyeskip haplography). Later, piṣṭaṁ may have been engraved over these.
14 ivo¿(j)?⟨d⟩ita- FLK ◇ ivorjjita- JFF1; ivo¿j?⟨rjj⟩ita- JFF2 — 14 -¡cā(ṁ)vara!- ◇ -cāmara- JFF1; -cā¿v?⟨m⟩ara- JFF2 FLK • Though not clear in the rubbing, there is something above cā, which may well be an anusvāra.
16 ¿ś?⟨g⟩ateṣv JFF2 FLK ◇ śateṣv JFF1 — 16 kāle _ • According to Kielhorn, a second le may have been engraved in this space, and then struck out. The vestiges/scratches
visible in the scan do not look like le, but I cannot exclude the possibility. I can also imagine that we have a horizontal
punctuation mark here, or an aborted character overstruck with one.
18 -(p)a(cc)anūr- ◇ -paccanūr- FLK; -sarvvanūr- JFF1; -pa(cc/vv)anūr- JFF2 • Kielhorn reads maccanūr and notes that Fleet may be right in reading paccanūr.
19 [?2×] ga [?1×] na JFF2 FLK ◇ [a](va)sāna JFF1
18-19 ... ↓27
Of Fleet’s translation, only the appended passage is reproduced here, as this is not translated by Kielhorn.
18-19This is the possession of this (god);—(¿The hamlet of?) ; (the town of) ; (the village of? ) ; (the village of) ; (the village of) ; (and the village of) . To the west of the slope of the mountain, (¿there is?) (the field called) extending up to the boundary of (the city of) ;↓28 and on the north and on the south. ...↓29
18-19↓36La bhukti de celui-ci↓37 se constitue des villages suivants : Mālavaḷḷi, Veḷmaḻtikavāḍa, [Ma]ccanūr, Gaṅgavūr, Puḷigeṟe et Gaṇḍava. A partir du flanc de la montagne, en allant vers l’ouest, aussi loin que s’étend Nimūvāri, sont les frontières de Mahāpathāntapura, au nord et au sud, * * * ↓38
Some notes on punctuation marks:
Notes on halanta characters:
Notes on versification:
Stanza 24 is problematic on several levels. I adopt Kielhorn’s emendations (including one which he says is a reading, not an emendation, see apparatus on °opakaṇṭh¿ā?⟨aḥ⟩ in l12) because it seems slightly more likely that the subject of the verse is the Vindhyas (vindhyopakaṇṭhaḥ) than that it is the Revā. This notwithstanding, I am not satisfied with Kielhorn’s interpretation and I fail to see why the Vindhyas shone all the more because of Polekeśin’s rule. I am also uncertain whether svena can indeed mean “the king’s”. Fleet’s translation of the stanza (in both his editions) is: “While he was governing the earth with his great armies, the Revā, which is near to the venerable (mountain of) Vindhya and which is beauteous wih its varied sandy stretches, shone the more by virtue of its own glory, though it was deserted by its elephants from the envy of the mountains in the matter of their size."
DB: the barely intelligible final bit (after the spiral in l18) is probably a later addition, so it should perhaps be encoded as a separate inscription. Kielhorn (1900-19011900-1901: page 7, note 10) specifically claims that the writing of this bit “differs from, and seems undoubtedly more modern than, that of the preceding part of the inscription.” Fleet’s initial comment (1876: page 71n ) is more ambiguous: “The characters here are of the same original type as those of the rest of the inscription; but they are larger and not so neat; in fact, they are fully developed Old Canarese letters, as if this portion was added later." But his later one (1879: page 243, note 17) is more affirmative: “The characters here differ somewhat from those of the body of the inscription, as if this part was added later, or by a different hand."
First reported by Bhau Daji (1872: 315), probably with a plate on p. ccxcix; this was published, or at least sent to press, before Fleet’s initial edition (1876), which was accompanied by a photo-lithograph and a translation. Fleet then revised his edition (1879) with an improved photo-lithograph and translation.↓39 Re-edited by Kielhorn (1900-19011900-1901), who notes that the rubbing published with his article is the first true facsimile (implying that the intervening editions had distorted reproductions, since they are apparently also rubbings, not eye copies), and that the rubbing was actually made by Fleet and given to him for publication [it thus may be the same improved facsimile that Fleet (1879: 237) talks about, or an even further improved one]. The present edition by Dániel Balogh is based on a collation of the above editions with Kielhorn’s published facsimile.
↑1. Interpreted by Pāṇini’s rule, I. 3, 10, yathā-saṁkhyam anudeśaḥ samānām, the statement that Satyāśraya bestowed ‘gifts and honours on the brave and on the
learned’ would mean, that he bestowed gifts on the brave and honours on the learned.
But the fact that the king really bestowed gifts and honours, both together, on the
brave as well as on the learned, shews that the above statement should not be interpreted
by, or, as the poet puts it, that Satyāśraya did not act in accordance with, Pāṇini’s
yāthāsaṁkhya-rule. As Ravikīrti here refers to Pāṇini, I. 3, 10, so Bhāravi in the Kirātārjunīya, XIII. 19, clearly refers to the immediately preceding rule of Pāṇini’s, I. 3, 9,
tasya lopaḥ; compare Mallinātha’s commentary on the verse. Similarly, to give only one more instance,
Kālidāsa in the Raghuvaṁśa, XII. 58 (dhātoḥ sthāna ivādeśam), alludes to Pāṇini, I. 1, 56, sthānivad ādeśo nalvidhau.
↑2. Kielhorn notes that the literal expression is “dancing,” which reminds him of Ragh 7. 48, nr̥tyat-kabandha.
↑3. Kielhorn again mentions a Ragh parallel (17. 46), but I think śrī as capalā is common enough not to view this as a particular instance of intertextuality.
↑4. Kielhorn notes that this alludes the gods being animiṣa/animeṣa; Raṇarāga did close
his eyes occasionally, but he was nonetheless recognisable as a god. He also points
to some matches of phrasing with Ragh 5. 23.
↑5. Kielhorn points out that Kānti is the wife of the Moon and indicates a textual parallel
in Ragh 17. 25 (town as bride).
↑6. The expression pr̥thu-kadamba-kadamba-kadambakam apparently was suggested to our author by the pr̥thu-kadamba-kadambaka in Kir. V. 9. In the Tāḷgund Kadamba inscription the kadamba tree and the Kadamba family have the epithet uru, corresponding to the adjective pr̥thu in the present inscription and in the Kauṭhem plates.
↑7. I.e. when he died.
↑8. Kielhorn notes Ragh 18.22 for armies on shores and 9.50 for dust in the sky.
↑9. A comparison with Ragh 38 suggests the interpretation that it was desired to confer on Polekeśin the dignity
of Yuvarāja, or heir apparent.
↑10. Kielhorn mentions several textual occurrences of apa-rudh, often with rāṣṭrāt, in the sense of exile; beginning with the Atharvaveda. Also in the phrase in the phrase aparuddhaḥ + carati, with the implication that the exile seeks a way to return. Thus, “From all this
it is clear that what our poet wishes us to understand, is, that Polekeśin, either
banished by Maṅgaleśa or having left the country from fear of him, went to neighbouring
princes and asked their assistance in the recovery of his rights.”
↑11. I.e. Polekeśin. Kielhorn capitalises He when it refers to Polekeśin from here onward.
↑12. The first half of the verse states that, as the rising sun dissipates the darkness
of night, so Polekeśin dispersed the enemies who on the destruction of Maṅgaleśa’s
rule … on all sides beset the realm. And the second hald impresses on the reader the
fact that only then, on Polekeśin’s rise to power, and at no other time, the troubles
attending Maṅgaleśa’s destruction were put an end to. Though the poet, employing the
rhetorical figure of aprastutapraśaṁsā, in the second half of the verse actually speaks of a phenomenon of nature …, the
context and his choice of the words (patāka, paryanta-bhāga, the verb garj … and aḷi-kula which recalls ari-kula) at once suggest to the reader what is intended to be conveyed. — The question ending
with kadā vā undoubtedly requires an answer in the negative (na kadāpi). The word tāvat with which the verse commences I take in the sense of tasminn avasare or tatkāla eva …
↑13. Kielhorn notes that the haṁsas make a pleasant sound like a tinkling girdle, and points to Ragh 9.37 and 19.40 and to Kir 4. 1 for textual parallels.
↑14. Kielhorn notes that the seven sins include drunkenness; cites Indische Sprüche 2994.
↑15. Kielhorn explains that they submitted voluntarily, impressed by his majesty, but were
so humble and obedient that this could have set an example to others who were subjected
by force.
↑16. Really the mountainous country of the Vindhya had to be avoided by the king’s elephants,
because it was impassable for them; but the poet’s reason is, that the elephants were
higher than the Vindhya. If they had gone there, the Vindhya by the presence of these
mountain-like elephants would have transgressed the command of the sage Agastya …
that it should not grow higher so long as Agastya remained in the south. In this way
the very absence of the king’s elephants becomes an additional token of his might.
↑17. Kielhorn also notes a textual parallel with Ragh 16.31 and I. 86
↑18. He was like Indra because, like that deity, he possessed certain śaktis; but was inferior to him because his śaktis were only three (the powers of mastery, good counsel and energy), while Indra possesses
eight Śaktis (Indrāṇī, etc.).
↑19. Kielhorn refers to Pāṇini IV.1,141 for māhākula = “born in a noble family.”
↑20. Kielhorn identifies Kuṇāla as the lake Kolanu/Kolleru; he discusses this on page 2ff.
↑21. Kielhorn points to Ragh 16.58, 11.60 and Kir 9.9.
↑22. Kielhorn points to Ragh 4.26 and 17.67 for ṣaḍvidha bala.
↑23. Kielhorn explains: 1. andhakāra refers to dust, rajo’ndhakāra in Ragh 7.39 (compare śarāndhakāra in Kir 17.20 and khaḍgāndhakāra in Vikramāṅkadevacarita 1.75),
and “the poetical beauty … lies in the fact that darkness is enumerated together with
such very different things as chowries etc.”;
2. he construes bala-rajas-etc. with two composite sections qualifying pratāpa sequentially: his splendour was at first only obscured (when he was defeated in the
open), and afterwards (when he had to retire within the walls of his fortress) it
entirely vanished. I cannot agree with Kielhorn on these points.
1, I think the darkness of his armies actually consisted of the things listed in the
verse, just as suggested by the parallels Kielhorn cites. The fact that these bright
things constitute darkness is indeed striking and must have been used for poetic effect.
As for 2, his explanation cannot be ruled out, but a more regular compound structure,
with the first part qualifying the walls, also produces good sense. Fleet too seems
to think along such lines, translating “armies, which were darkened by the spotless
chowris that were waved over them and with hundreds of banners and umbrellas” and
“caused the leader of the Pallavas … to hide his prowess behind the ramparts of the
city of Kāñcīpur, which was concealed under the dust of his army.”
Further, I also disagree with Kielhorn about his translation of ākkrāntātma-balonnatim as “who had opposed the rise of his power.” I feel that ātma must mean the Pallava ruler, whose smugness (unnati) over his power was toppled (ākrānta) by Polekeśin. Fleet offers a thirs interpretation: “who aimed at the eminence of
his own power”.
↑24. The verse clearly was suggested to our author by Ragh IV. 45: sa sainya-parighogena gajadāna-sugandhinā| kāverīṁ saritāṁ patyuḥ śaṅkanīyām ivākarot||
‘By the fact that his soldiers used the water of the river for bathing etc., and in
doing so made it fragrant with the rutting-juice of their elephants, Raghu made the
(river) Kāverī an object of suspicion for the ocean, her husband, who by the smell
of her body would be led to believe that she had had intercourse with other men.’
Ravikīrti too mentions the rutting-juice, but does so in a mere epitheton ornans,
which he might as well have omitted, because in his verse the real reason for the
Kāverī’s keeping away from the ocean is, that her current was obstructed by the bulky
elephants on which Polekeśin crossed the river.
Ravikīrti has spoiled Kālidāsa’s verse by crowding into in an idea from Ragh IV. 38 (sa tīrtvā kapiśāṁ sainyair baddha-dvirada-setubhiḥ).—
The epithet of the Kāverī, druta-śapharī-vilola-netrā, apparently was suggested by the epithet śapharī-parisphurita-cāru-dr̥śaḥ in Kir VI. 16 (compare also ibid. IV. 3); praścyotan-mada occurs ibid. VII. 35.
↑25. Kielhorn marks RaghV 4.85-87 and I. 30 for parallels.
↑26. Or ‘the preceptor of the three worlds.’
↑27. I purposely omit from my translation the line which follows in the original, and which
is a later addition to the poem. The first part of it enumerates six villages, the
revenues of which apparently were assigned to the temple of Jinendra founded by Ravikīrti.
The concluding part of it, which speaks of boundaries, I do not understand.
↑28. Or, ‘of the city which is at the edge of the main road’
↑29. The last word of the inscription is only partly legible, and the effaced letters cannot
be supplied. It is probably the name of some place.
↑30. anacoluthe : les agents sont exprimés dans le locatif absolu des pāda a et b, ils sont repris sous la forme de pronoms dans les pāda c et d, mais dans le pāda c les constructions impersonnelle jñatvam et personnelle ekaḥ sont juxtaposées.
↑31. Les sept vices sont les suivants : dyūtaṁ māṁsaṁ surā veśyākheṭa-caurya-parānganāḥ[+|] māhāpāpāni saptaiva vyasanāni
tyajed budhaḥ[+||], (Böhtlingk’s Ind. Sprüche, 2994). (N. D. T.)
↑32. Śiva.
↑33. Indra possède 8 śaktis. (N.D.T.)
↑34. māhākula : « né dans une famille noble », Pāṇini, IV, 1, 141. (N.D.T.)
↑35. 556 śaka = 634 apr. J. C.
↑36. Ce passage a été ajouté ultérieurement à l’inscription.
↑37. Division territoriale, dont les revenus sont peut-être attribués au temple du Jina.
Pour le terme bhukti cf., D. C. Sircar, 1966, p. 57.
↑38. Les trois ou quatre dernières lettres sont illisibles.
↑39. Kielhorn (1900-19011900-1901: 1) says Fleet’s revised edition was also published in ASWI III p129ff. Not traced.
Not in ASWI Reports 3 or Memoranda 3, and I could not find vol 3 of the main ASWI
series, nor even any further information about it such as full title or publication
year.